Testing the 'brain gain' hypothesis: Micro evidence from Cape Verde
In: Journal of development economics, Band 97, Heft 1, S. 32-45
ISSN: 0304-3878
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In: Journal of development economics, Band 97, Heft 1, S. 32-45
ISSN: 0304-3878
In: Journal of development economics, Band 97, Heft 1, S. 32-45
ISSN: 0304-3878
World Affairs Online
In: IZA Discussion Paper No. 3035
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In: IZA Discussion Paper No. 14780
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In: IZA Discussion Paper No. 11777
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Working paper
In: IZA Discussion Paper No. 5048
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In: Journal of development economics, Band 164, S. 103145
ISSN: 0304-3878
In: Journal of development economics, Band 163, S. 103096
ISSN: 0304-3878
We present original survey data on preferences for foreign aid in 24 donor countries from 2005 to 2008. On publicly-funded foreign aid (Official Development Assistance, or ODA), we find patterns that are consistent with a standard model of democratic policy formation, in which donations are treated as a pure public good. Controlling for perceptions of current ODA, we show that individual preferences for ODA are (i) negatively correlated with relative income within a country-year; and (ii) positively correlated with inequality at the country level. We extend the analysis to explain variation in the gap between desired aid and actual ODA, arguing that lobbying by high-income special interest groups can divert resources away from the median voter's preferred level of aid. Consistent with this, we observe that ODA is significantly lower where policymakers are more susceptible to lobbying. Finally, we present a novel test of competing "crowding out" hypotheses. Self-reported private aid donations are negatively correlated with actual ODA, and positively correlated with perceived ODA. This finding is consistent with an emerging argument in the literature, whereby ODA crowds out private aid by enabling charities to forego fundraising activities and crowds in private aid through a signaling channel. ; authorsversion ; published
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In: Oxford Bulletin of Economics and Statistics, Band 79, Heft 5, S. 797-821
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Funding: International Growth Centre, Foundation Open Society Institute (Zug), iiG (Improving Institutions for Pro-Poor Growth), Trinity College Dublin ; African elections often reveal low levels of political accountability. We assess different forms of voter education during an election in Mozambique. Three interventions providing information to voters and calling for their participation were randomized: an information campaignusing SMS, an SMS hotline for electoral misconduct, and the distribution of a free newspaper. To measure impact, we look at official electoral results, reports by electoral observers, and behavioral and survey data. We find positive effects of all treatments on voter turnout.However, only the distribution of the free newspaper led to more accountability-based participation and to a decrease in electoral problems. ; publishersversion ; published
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In: NOVAFRICA Working Paper Series No. 1304
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African elections often reveal low levels of political accountability. We assess different forms of voter education during an election in Mozambique. Three interventions providing information to voters and calling for their electoral participation were randomized; an SMS-based information campaign, an SMS hotline for electoral misconduct, and the distribution of a free newspaper. To measure impact, we look at official electoral results, reports by electoral observers, behavioral and survey data. We find positive effects of all treatments on voter turnout. We observe that the distribution of the newspaper led to more accountability-based participation and to a decrease in electoral problems. ; International Growth Centre, Foundation Open Society Institute
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In: Center for Global Development Working Paper No. 328
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Working paper