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Students in 1989 were at pains to distinguish their actions from those taken by students in the Cultural Revolution. Yet there were important similarities. In the present paper, we identify influence on the Democracy Movement from the Cultural Revolution through (1) the expansion and/or widespread familiarization of repertories of collective action available to Chinese activists; (2) precedents for collective action that may have lowered the barriers to action for some while raising them for others; (3) the participation of people at different stages of their lives in both movements; (4) the transformation of the significance of the ideas of democracy and political authority wrought by the Cultural Revolution for many Chinese; (5) the impact of the Cultural Revolution on Chinese intellectuals; (6) the material consequences of the Cultural Revolution which contributed to China's position in the post-Mao era and the specific issues reform and protest sought to confront; (7) the discourse of corruption which provided the 1989 movement with its strongest links between students and ordinary citizens, and which was accentuated in the Cultural Revolution; (8) the affirmation of the value of ordinary life by which students in the 1980s, encouraged by the `literature of the wounded', rebelled against the Puritanism and denigration of `unauthorized' personal relationships that had been characteristic of the Cultural Revolution; (9) the role of the Cultural Revolution as a cautionary tale, shaping the movement itself, inhibiting some older intellectuals from participating, and determining much of how the government viewed and responded to the Democracy Movement; and (10) the embeddedness in different ways of both Cultural Revolution and 1989 protests in an international context.

Compares historical connections between the 1989 prodemocracy protests in the People's Republic of China & the Cultural Revolution of the 1960s to contextualize the 1989 movement & reveal enduring issues in the struggle for democracy in China. Students in 1989 distinguished their actions from those taken by students in the Cultural Revolution, yet there were important similarities: (1) expansion &/or widespread familiarization of repertoires of collective action available to Chinese activists; (2) precedents for collective action that may have lowered the barriers to action for some while raising them for others; (3) participation of people at different stages of their lives in both movements; (4) transformation of the significance of democracy & political authority wrought by the Cultural Revolution for many Chinese; (5) impact of the Cultural Revolution on intellectuals; (6) material consequences of the Cultural Revolution that contributed to China's position in the post-Mao era & issues that reform & protest sought to confront; (7) the discourse of corruption that provided the 1989 movement with its strongest links between students & ordinary citizens & that was accentuated in the Cultural Revolution; (8) affirmation of the value of ordinary life by which students in the 1980s, encouraged by the "literature of the wounded," rebelled against the Puritanism & denigration of "unauthorized" personal relationships that had been characteristic of the Cultural Revolution; (9) the role of the Cultural Revolution as a cautionary tale, shaping the movement itself, inhibiting some older intellectuals from participating, & determining much of how the government viewed & responded to the democracy movement; & (10) the varying embeddedness of Cultural Revolution & 1989 protests in an international context. 28 References. Adapted from the source document.

This article examines the potency and persistence of myth and language in the context of the dispute, now over 80 years old, about the officially-sanctioned wording of regulations in the municipal parks of foreign-administered Shanghai. Specifically, it examines the potent symbol of the sign placed in Shanghai's Huangpu Park that allegedly read: "Chinese and Dogs Not Admitted." This symbol has secured a totemic position in the historiography of the Western presence in China before 1949 and is deeply embedded in contemporary Chinese and Western perceptions and representations of that era, and of the whole question of Western imperialism in China. It is the subject both of popular discourse and official fiat in China today. Drawing on a series of revisionist writings and new archival research this article shows that the true facts of the case are both beyond dispute and irrelevant, but that the legend survives undiminished.For over 60 years before June 1928 most Chinese certainly were barred from the parks administered by the foreign-controlled Shanghai Municipal Council (SMC) of the International Settlement in Shanghai. As shown below, the enforcement of the ban varied over time but for the first three decades of the 20th century it was rigidly administered. Dogs, ball games, cycling and picking of the flowers were also forbidden, but the alleged juxtaposition of the bans on dogs and Chinese became notorious. The potency of "dog" as an insulting and dehumanizing epithet in China undoubtedly exacerbated the insult, and also made the story of the sign's outrageous wording seem all the more plausible.

In this fully revised and updated third edition of China in the 21st Century: What Everyone Needs to Know®, Jeffrey N. Wasserstrom and Maura Elizabeth Cunningham provide cogent answers to urgent questions regarding the world's newest superpower and offer a framework for understanding China's meteoric rise from developing country to superpower.

Cover -- Half Title -- Title -- Copyright -- Dedication -- Contents -- Preface to the Second Edition -- Acknowledgments -- A Note to Teachers -- Introduction: Chinese Political Culture Revisited -- Part One: General Frameworks -- 1 Imagining the Ancien Régime in the Deng Era -- 2 Acting Out Democracy: Political Theater in Modern China -- Part Two: Class, Gender, and Identity: 1989 as a Social Movement -- 3 Casting a Chinese "Democracy" Movement: The Roles of Students, Workers, and Entrepreneurs -- 4 Science, Democracy, and the Politics of Identity -- 5 Gender and the Chinese Student Movement -- Part Three: Popular Culture and the Politics of Art -- 6 The Birth of the Goddess of Democracy -- The Politics of Popular Music in Post-Tiananmen China -- Part Four: Cultural Dilemmas and Political Roles of the Intelligentsia -- 8 Memory and Commemoration: The Chinese Search for a Livable Past -- 9 From Priests to Professionals: Intellectuals and the State Under the CCP -- 10 The Role of the Chinese and U.S. Media -- Part Five: State Power and Legitimacy -- 11 What Happened in Eastern Europe in 1989? -- 12 Discos and Dictatorship: Party-State and Society Relations in the People's Republic of China -- Part Six: Historical Narratives and Key Words Deconstructed -- 13 History, Myth, and the Tales of Tiananmen -- 14 That Holy Word, "Revolution -- Postscript: April 1994 -- About the Book -- About the Editors and Contributors -- Index