In: International political science review: the journal of the International Political Science Association (IPSA) = Revue internationale de science politique, Band 18, Heft 4, S. 359-360
In: International political science review: the journal of the International Political Science Association (IPSA) = Revue internationale de science politique, Band 18, Heft 4, S. 443-450
Poland's experience in democratic transformation is to some degree different from that of other post-communist nations because of its having been the first country to depart from a communist regime. It therefore had a relatively long period of power-sharing, negotiated at the Round Table conference in early 1989. The first parliament (1989-91) reflected the contractual arrangements of the Round Table and was not fully representative. The second parliament (1991-93) was paralyzed by extreme fragmentation. The third parliament, elected in 1993, is more consolidated but suffers from the absence of right-wing parties due to their failure to reach the required electoral threshold. During Lech Walesa's presidency (1990-95), relations between the president and parliament were tense, particularly after the left's victory in the 1993 election. Nonetheless, parliamentarism has survived in Poland and the democratic system has avoided constitutional crises. Poland's experience confirms the superiority of parliamentarism over presidentialism in new democracies.
In: International political science review: IPSR = Revue internationale de science politique : RISP, Band 18, Heft 4: Elections and parliaments in post-communist East Central Europe, S. 443-450
The threat of new forms of authoritarian government in Central & Eastern Europe is discussed in relation to means of achieving a more just & long-lasting democracy. Although the collapse of communism inspired tremendous hope regarding the future of democracy, a number of conditions have created doubts about democracy & concerns regarding the potential for noncommunist, authoritarian seizure of power. These conditions include the inefficiency of current democratic structures, economic recession & unemployment, the revival of nationalist & ethnic movement, & conflicts of values between freedom of expression advocates & moral & religious groups seeking state enforcement of moral/religious standards. Despite these dangers, it is concluded that democratic regimes can be stabilized & made more efficient through a variety of means: more equitable distribution of the economic burdens resulting from political/edconomic restructuring; creation of jobs by the state; a social accord policy based on negotiation between the government, special interest groups, trade unions, & peasant organizations; greater cooperation between Left groups/parties; & parliamentary democracy based on moderate representation, rather than presidentialism. T. Sevier