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The author examines the foreign policy of the PRC since its establishment in 1949 paying special attention to its foreign-policy behaviour patterns, sources of these patterns and policy choices. He notes that the most severe challenge to Beijings's international status for the past two decades came from Tiananmen incident in 1989. It caused significant damages in China's relations with western countries, particularly with the USA. (DÜI-Sen)

Foreign policy decision making in China is no longer the domain of a paramount leader acting through a vertical command channel with a fundamentally unified policy. Foreign policy decisions are now made by several discrete power bases coordinated at the center, with multiple command channels reflecting different interests and policies. Bureaucratic interests, agendas of policy issues, localcentral authority relations, intellectual and think-tank influences, and the domestic political-economic environment differentially affect policy input and output. The change from vertical to horizontal authoritarianism parallels that which occurred in South Korea and Taiwan, but whether it evolves similarly toward democratic pluralism remains to be seen.

How does internet censorship work in China, and how does it reflect the Chinese state's logic of governing society? An online political publication, Global China (海外看世界), was created by the authors, and the pattern and record of articles being censored was analyzed. Using results from A/B tests on the articles and interviews with relevant officials, the article shows that the state employs delegated censorship, outsourcing significant responsibility to private internet companies and applying levels of scrutiny based on timing, targets, and stage of publication. The dynamic, layered, multistage censorship regime creates significant variation and flexibility across the Chinese internet, most often in decisions about what to censor. This approach aims to maintain regime stability and legitimacy while minimizing costs. Rather than blocking all information and players, the state recognizes its technical and bureaucratic limits but also realizes the benefits of a degree of toleration. Delegated censorship utilizes both power control and power sharing and offers a new understanding of authoritarian state-society relations.

This article examines the increasing complex interdependence of China and the United State in an era of globalization. Deng Xiaoping's strategy of reform and opening requires a peaceful international environment. The normalization of relations with Washington was critical for China's move toward modernization. As China opens its door wider, Sino‐American relations have matured to a much higher level. As the recent Strategic Economic Dialogue between Beijing and Washington indicate, bilateral relations have become truly interdependent. Interdependence creates both sensitivity and vulnerability. Lampton has described U.S.‐China relations in terms of "same bed, different dreams" (tongchuang yimeng). Considering the common challenges of global financial crisis and international terrorism, perhaps it is more appropriate to think of China and the United States as strategic partners sailing in the same boat (tongzhou gongji). The complex interdependence between the two countries is particularly critical in an age of global turbulence. This article analyzes the current challenges of China‐U.S. relations in the context of turbulent globalization.

This article examines the increasing complex interdependence of China and the United State in an era of globalization. Deng Xiaoping's strategy of reform and opening requires a peaceful international environment. The normalization of relations with Washington was critical for China's move toward modernization. As China opens its door wider, Sino-American relations have matured to a much higher level. As the recent Strategic Economic Dialogue between Beijing and Washington indicate, bilateral relations have become truly interdependent. Interdependence creates both sensitivity and vulnerability. Lampton has described U.S.-China relations in terms of 'same bed, different dreams' (tongchuang yimeng). Considering the common challenges of global financial crisis and international terrorism, perhaps it is more appropriate to think of China and the United States as strategic partners sailing in the same boat (tongzhou gongji). The complex interdependence between the two countries is particularly critical in an age of global turbulence. This article analyzes the current challenges of China-U.S. relations in the context of turbulent globalization. Adapted from the source document.

This article examines the changing nature of the China challenge and the global response to a rising China. As its comprehensive national strength grows, China poses broader challenges and provides greater opportunities for the global community. One influential school of thinking-offensive realism-suggests that the rise of a great power will lead to new and tragic conflicts. After examining contending perspectives on the China challenge, however, we find that there is persuasive evidence and strong logic to support alternative conceptions of the future. Tragedy is not inevitable. In fact, 'managed great power relations' can be a viable alternative to the tragic scenario. If major powers take great care to develop and manage their truly interdependent relations, mutual gains from cooperation will far exceed the costs of conflict. There are powerful incentives for cooperation and strong deterrence against conflict. As China's power has grown, Beijing's relations with major powers around the world have improved rather than deteriorated. In meeting the China challenge, cautious optimism can be justified. China's major challenges may predominantly come from inside, rather than outside. For neighbors and other great powers, the approaches they select to meet the China challenge will have great impact on not only their relations with China but also the strategic balance of the future world. Adapted from the source document.