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International audience ; Zaragoza is the capital of the present Autonomous Community of Aragon. Until the decrees of Nueva Planta (1707), it was the capital of the Kingdom of Aragon. During Francoism, when it was only the capital of the province of the same name, it played the role of economic, cultural and academic capital not only of Aragon but also of an important part of the Ebro Valley and the North-East of the Iberian Peninsula. The rural exodus emptied the Aragonese countryside and fostered the consolidation of Zaragoza as the undisputed capital. "Saragossian macrocephaly" was born. This paper will examine how Zaragoza has "naturally" converted into the political capital of autonomous Aragon, at the same time as it has become the capital of an inner and emptied Spain (with the exception of Madrid) which exercises a form of Iberian synthesis located in a transitional territory (Aragon) between inner and peripheral Spain, monolingual and bilingual ; Saragosse est la capitale de l'actuelle Communauté Autonome d'Aragon. Jusqu'aux décrets de Nueva Planta (1707), elle fut la capitale du Royaume d'Aragon. Pendant le franquisme, alors qu'elle n'était que le chef-lieu de la province homonyme, elle a joué le rôle de capitale économique, culturelle et universitaire non seulement de l'Aragon mais aussi d'une partie importante de la vallée de l'Èbre et du Nord-Est de la péninsule ibérique. L'exode rural a vidé la campagne aragonaise et a favorisé la consolidation de Saragosse comme capitale incontestée ; la « macrocéphalie saragossaise » était née. Il s'agira de voir comment Saragosse s'est convertie « naturellement » en capitale politique de l'Aragon autonome, en même temps qu'elle est devenue la capitale d'une Espagne intérieure et vidée (à l'exception de Madrid) qui exerce une forme de synthèse ibérique située dans un territoire de transition (l'Aragon) entre l'Espagne intérieure et périphérique, monolingue et bilingue.

International audience ; Zaragoza is the capital of the present Autonomous Community of Aragon. Until the decrees of Nueva Planta (1707), it was the capital of the Kingdom of Aragon. During Francoism, when it was only the capital of the province of the same name, it played the role of economic, cultural and academic capital not only of Aragon but also of an important part of the Ebro Valley and the North-East of the Iberian Peninsula. The rural exodus emptied the Aragonese countryside and fostered the consolidation of Zaragoza as the undisputed capital. "Saragossian macrocephaly" was born. This paper will examine how Zaragoza has "naturally" converted into the political capital of autonomous Aragon, at the same time as it has become the capital of an inner and emptied Spain (with the exception of Madrid) which exercises a form of Iberian synthesis located in a transitional territory (Aragon) between inner and peripheral Spain, monolingual and bilingual ; Saragosse est la capitale de l'actuelle Communauté Autonome d'Aragon. Jusqu'aux décrets de Nueva Planta (1707), elle fut la capitale du Royaume d'Aragon. Pendant le franquisme, alors qu'elle n'était que le chef-lieu de la province homonyme, elle a joué le rôle de capitale économique, culturelle et universitaire non seulement de l'Aragon mais aussi d'une partie importante de la vallée de l'Èbre et du Nord-Est de la péninsule ibérique. L'exode rural a vidé la campagne aragonaise et a favorisé la consolidation de Saragosse comme capitale incontestée ; la « macrocéphalie saragossaise » était née. Il s'agira de voir comment Saragosse s'est convertie « naturellement » en capitale politique de l'Aragon autonome, en même temps qu'elle est devenue la capitale d'une Espagne intérieure et vidée (à l'exception de Madrid) qui exerce une forme de synthèse ibérique située dans un territoire de transition (l'Aragon) entre l'Espagne intérieure et périphérique, monolingue et bilingue.

This paper aims to show the way that a small and subordinated city located to the northwest of the viceroyalty of the Rio de la Plata understood the "autonomy" between 1810-11. Being part of the Spanish monarchy, San Miguel de Tucumán had to find a way to overcome the crisis of this monarchy by the time that sovereignty was in fact exercised by the revolutionary government and the peoples of the viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata. The city dealt with more than one way of thinking about its relationships. That was not underlined enough by a historiography that emphasized the capital city prevalence as well as Tucuman´s subordination to Buenos Aires. To support this statement this research followed the representative itinerary at the Junta Grande. ; El propósito de este trabajo es comprender el modo en que los habitantes de una ciudad subordinada del virreinato del Río de la Plata entendían y practicaban la autonomía en relación con el gobierno revolucionario con sede en Buenos Aires y con las autoridades peninsulares en tiempos de ejercicio de la soberanía de hecho. Con ese fin se reconstruye el itinerario de la representación política de San Miguel de Tucumán en la Junta Grande. Se postula que el pueblo de Tucumán entendió la autonomía atendiendo a diversas opciones que no fueron suficientemente subrayadas por la historiografía. This paper aims to show the way that a small and subordinated city located to the northwest of the viceroyalty of the River Plate understood the 'autonomy' between 1810-11. Being part of the Spanish monarchy, San Miguel de Tucumán had to find a way to overcome the crisis of this monarchy by the time that sovereignty was in fact exercised by the revolutionary government and the peoples of the viceroyalty of the River Plate. The city dealt with more than one way of thinking about its relationships. That was not underlined enough by a historiography that emphasized the capital city prevalence as well as Tucuman´s subordination to Buenos Aires. To support this statement this research followed the representative itinerary at the Junta Grande.

This paper seeks to embed into a broader narrative on the political thought of the West German student movement a reading of Schmid's 1975 text in «Autonomie», which synthesized the SDS anti-authoritarians' tradition of a politicized critique of late capitalism with the autonomist impulse in Italian "operaismo". It is argued that in holding out the promise of revolutionary practice in the absence of revolutionary organization, Schmid displaced the very notion of revolutionary practice from the system to the subject level - an issue raised by Kraushaar's 1978 critique of a «ghettoized» milieu consumed by the «radicalization of its own life context». The trans-localization of the alternative milieu, particularly in the form of Green Lists and «die tageszeitung», was subsequently justified by milieu actors as a breakout from the ghetto, but would in turn undermine the milieu's autonomist foundations. Ultimately, Kraushaar's conundrum of «autonomy or ghetto» remained unresolved - reflecting the extra-parliamentary left's inability to integrate strategies of milieu and offensive into a unifying strategy, as Dutschke's 1967 essay "The Long March" had enjoined it to do; the Greens' subsequent entry into parliaments was an expression of the abandonment, not the beginning, of a «long march through the institutions».

Introduction : the multiple dimensions of the politics of accommodation in multinational democracies / Jaime Lluch -- Varieties of territorial pluralism : prospects for the constitutional and political accommodation of Puerto Rico in the USA / Jaime Lluch -- (Mis)recognition in Catalunya and Quebec : the politics of judicial containment / François Rocher and Elisenda Casas Adam -- The limits of constitutionalism : politics, economics, and secessionism in Catalonia (2006-2013) / Hector Lopez Bofill -- The accommodation of island autonomies in multinational states / Eve Hepburn -- From autonomism to independentism : the growth of secessionism in Catalonia (2010-2013) / Jordi Argelaguet -- The multilevel politics of accommodation and the non-constitutional moment : lessons from Corsica / André Fazi -- Flexible accommodation : another case of British exceptionalism? / Stephen Tierney -- Italy : autonomism, decentralization, federalism, or what else? / Francesco Palermo and Alice Valdesalici -- Autonomous areas as a constitutional feature in China and Finland / Markku Suksi

AbstractCognitive semiotics has an experiential basis: its thesis is that the origin of meaning – a problem that classical semiotics usually glosses over – lies in the sense system. This paper will outline the mechanisms that make possible such meaning construction, but its main focus will be the impact of the cognitive perspective on the epistemology of semiotics. It implies a process of naturalization of the humanities and the social sciences. This naturalization has triggered harsh criticism: its arguments are supposed to be circular; these are secretly founded on a postulate of innateness; it is at the service of an individualistic ideology in tune with a neoliberal society…. The paper will examine these pieces of criticism, which lead us to oppose and challenge both neural autonomism and the culturalist autonomism inherent in classical European semiotics. The conclusion is a plea for a continuum between nature and culture.

Commons are self-organized, self-governed, autonomous networks and organizations that function outside the state and the private sector. They are emerging around the world as people recognize that the state and private sector have increasingly closed off access to basic resources and services. People want increased power to determine their political, economic, and social lives. Reimagining Leadership on the Commons includes leadership approaches derived from a complex, adaptive, open, whole systems perspective and a more relational, distributed, and collaborative paradigm that recognizes that rather than being individualist self-maximizers: people prefer to work together to share benefits and found a society based on ethical behavior, equality, and justice. This is essential reading for researchers of commons, leadership practitioners, and non-profits working towards a more ethical, equitable, and just world.

This volume explores and critiques one of the most dynamic terrains of political theory sometimes referred to as 'Autonomist Marxism' or post-Operaismo. Taking three divergent manifestations of Autonomist Marxism found in the works of John Holloway, Antonio Negri and Paul Virno, David Eden examines how each approach questions the nature of class and contemporary capitalism and how they extrapolate politics.

The Second World War found Bosniaks politically disunited. Four different and mutually opposed political and military options – pro-Serbian, pro-Croatian, Communist and Autonomist – operated within the country. The constitution of the contemporary Bosniak political subject in the 1920s by means of the politics of memory takes as referential points from the past only the shared moment of anti-fascist struggle. The new politics of identity largely relies upon the so called 'Resolutions of Towns' – protests on the part of Bosniak citizens against the fascist killings of Jewish and Roma citizens after the establishment of the Independent State of Croatia. Another frequently highlighted moment is the victimization of Bosniaks, planned for the sake of gaining certain rights on account of the position of the victim.

This article brings the case of imperial transformation of the Russian Empire/Soviet Union into global discussions about empire, nationalism, and postimperial governance, and highlights the political and legal imaginaries that shaped this transformation, including their global and entangled character. This article argues that the legal and political discourses of decentralization, autonomism, and federalism that circulated at the time of the imperial crisis between the Revolution of 1905 and the adoption of the Soviet Constitution in 1924 contributed to the formation of an ethno-national federation in place of the Russian Empire, despite both the efforts of the Bolsheviks to create a unitary state, and the expectations of a different future among contemporary observers. At the same time, the postimperial institutional framework became a product of political conjunctures rather than the legal discourse. Its weakness before the consolidating party dictatorship made the Soviet Union a showcase of sham federalism and autonomism.

Originally from Haute-Alsace, Charles Hueber was already involved in the social democratic movement at a young age. After serving in the German army during the Great War, he participated in the short-lived Revolution of November 1918. Back in France, Hueber became a supporter of the Third International and remained one of the founders of the French Communist Party. Elected deputy in 1924, he created many incidents by speaking in Alsatian in the hemicycle. The question of the autonomy and self-determination of Alsace-Lorraine becomes central in Hueber's political thought. Thanks to an alliance concluded with the autonomists, he was elected mayor of Strasbourg in May 1929. Because of this alliance, he was excluded from the PC and founded the KP-O, a dissident PC. Hueber was not re-elected mayor in 1935. After that, he accentuated his pro-Nazi drift, even though he supported the Popular Front in 1936. Escaping arrest in 1939, Hueber threw himself into the arms of the Nazis in June 1940. He died in August 1943 and enjoyed a grandiose funeral. ; Originaire de Haute-Alsace, Charles Hueber s'engage très jeune dans le mouvement social-démocrate. Après avoir servi dans l'armée allemande durant la Grande Guerre, il participe à la Révolution de novembre 1918. De retour en France, Hueber devient un partisan de la IIIe Internationale et est un des fondateurs du PC français. Élu député en 1924, il crée de nombreux incidents en intervenant en alsacien dans l'hémicycle. La question de l'autonomie et de l'autodétermination de l'Alsace-Lorraine devient centrale dans la pensée politique de Hueber. Grâce à une alliance conclue avec les autonomistes, il est élu maire de Strasbourg en mai 1929. À cause de cette alliance, il est exclu du PC et fonde le KP-O, un PC dissident. Hueber n'est pas réélu maire en 1935. Après cela, il accentue sa dérive pronazie, même s'il soutient le Front populaire en 1936. Échappant à l'arrestation en 1939, Hueber se met au service des nazis en juin 1940. Il décède en août 1943 et bénéficie de funérailles ...

The struggle against censorship was one of the priorities of the Partido Liberal Autonomista, founded in Havana in 1878. However, from the definitive abolition of slavery in 1886, the autonomists sought to create mechanisms set aside to better control the "subordinate"classes of society (such as black people, workers, women, youth, etc.). The method they employed consisted of opening up the institutions that they controlled with the objective of indoctrinating autonomist' ideology and preventing the dissemination of independent ideas. By underestimating the capacity of subordinate groups to create their own political expressions, autonomists added extra coercion on them, forbidding a possible cooperation on the construction of a post-slavery, and eventually post-colonial society in Cuba. ; La lucha por la libertad de expresión, especialmente a través de la prensa, constituyó una de las prioridades del Partido Liberal Autonomista, fundado en La Habana en 1878. Sin embargo, a partir de la abolición definitiva de la esclavitud en 1886, los autonomistas se esforzaron por crear o desarrollar ciertos mecanismos destinados a ejercer un determinado control sobre las clases subalternas de la sociedad (negros, obreros, mujeres, jóvenes…). El método empleado consistía básicamente en darles entrada en las instituciones que controlaban con el objetivo de inculcarles la ideología autonomista, evitando así que desarrollaran un discurso independiente. Ahora bien, al subestimar la capacidad de los grupos subalternos para crear sus propias expresiones políticas, los autonomistas se convirtieron en un elemento más de coacción sobre aquellos, impidiendo que confluyeran con ellos en la construcción de una sociedad posesclavista y eventualmente poscolonial en Cuba. ; La lutte pour la liberté d'expression, notamment à travers de la presse, constitua l'un des principaux chevaux de bataille du Partido Liberal Autonomista fondé à La Havane en 1878. Cependant, à partir de l'abolition définitive de l'esclavage en 1886, les autonomistes s'efforcèrent de créer ou de développer des mécanismes destinés à exercer un certain contrôle sur les classes subalternes de la société (tels que les noirs, les ouvriers, les femmes ou les jeunes). La méthode employée consistait à leur ouvrir la porte des institutions qu'ils contrôlaient dans le but de leur y inculquer l'idéologie autonomiste, évitant par-là qu'ils élaborent un discours indépendant. Or, en sous-estimant la capacité des groupes subalternes à créer leurs propres expressions politiques, les autonomistes assumèrent le rôle d'un élément de coercition supplémentaire sur ces secteurs, les empêchant de confluer avec eux vers la construction d'une société post-esclavagiste et éventuellement post-coloniale à Cuba.

This article offers a revision of the interpretations tending to minimize the influence of Krausism in Cuba, by extending the usual field of the Cuban history of ideas to the analysis of legal and political ideas during the second half of the nineteenth century. This approach reveals the strong impact Krausism had on 1860s reformists and 1880s autonomists, and consequently on the regenerative political culture that was to affect the Cuban Republic. ; El presente texto propone una revisión de las interpretaciones tendentes a minimizar la influencia del krausismo en Cuba, ampliando el campo habitual de la historia de las ideas cubana al análisis de las ideas jurídicas y políticas de la segunda mitad del siglo XIX. Este enfoque permite detectar un fuerte impacto del krausismo tanto en los reformistas de los años 1860 como en los autonomistas de los años 1880, y por ende en la cultura política regeneradora que más tarde se proyecta en la República.

How do squatters' movements make a difference in urban politics? Their singularity in European cities has often been interpreted according to the major notion of 'autonomy'. However, despite the recent upsurge of studies about squatting (Cattaneo et al. 2014, Katsiaficas 2006, Martínez et al. 2018, Van der Steen et al. 2014), there has not been much clarification of its theoretical, historical and political significance. Autonomism has also been identified as one of the main ideological sources of the recent global justice and anti-austerity movements (Flesher 2014) after being widely diffused among European squatters formore than four decades, which prompts a question about the meaning of its legacy. In this article, I first examine the political background of autonomism as a distinct identity among radical movements in Europe in general (Flesher et al. 2013, Wennerhag et al. 2018), and the squatters in particular—though not often explicitly defined. Secondly, I stress the social, feminist and anti-capitalist dimensions of autonomy that stem from the multiple and specific struggles in which squatters were involved over different historical periods. These aspects have been overlooked or not sufficiently examined by the literature on squatting movements. By revisiting relevant events and discourses of the autonomist tradition linked to squatting in Italy, Germany and Spain, its main traits and some contradictions are presented. Although political contexts indicate different emphases in each case, some common origins and transnational exchanges justify an underlying convergence and its legacies over time. I contend that autonomism is better understood by focusing on the social nature of the separate struggles by the oppressed in terms of self-management, collective reproduction and political aggregation rather than highlighting the individualistic view in which personal desiresand independence prevail. This interpretation also implies that autonomy for squatters consists of practices of collective micro-resistance to systemic forms of domination which politicise private spheres of everyday life instead of retreating to them.