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Iles reviews KABUKI: Baroque Fusion of the Arts by Kawatake Toshio and translated by Frank Hoff and Jean Connell Hoff.

The vote against the Constitution is the sign of a lack of adjustment to today's world & of a crisis of decision-making in all democratic countries. Has the European process reached the point of no return? Although a new start is far from assured, there is a 'demand for Europe', mainly in the fields where the European Union has so far been ineffective: making Europe's voice heard in international crises, acting in favour of peace & development. On this path we will run into two difficulties: the consequences of enlargement & the inadequacy of institutional mechanisms. 'Enhanced cooperation' will allow us to go forward, while giving the European architecture a somewhat baroque appearance. This method is not applicable for foreign policy in which, for a long time, we shall have to make do with ad hoc measures & pretences, which will accentuate the baroque character of the system. Adapted from the source document.

Si l'histoire de l'architecture baroque en Espagne n'est plus à faire, il est nécessaire cependant d'en reviser certaines données. Depuis la parution, en 1908, de l'ouvrage de l'architecte allemand Otto Schubert, Geschichte des Barocks in Spanien, étude synthétique et détaillée de l'architecture espagnole de la Renaissance au XVIIIe siècle, aucun travail d'ensemble n'a été réalisé sur le même sujet. Seuls le livre du Père Braun, Spaniens alte Jesuitenkirchen (1913), quelques articles et monographies sont venus apporter certains détails de documentation, assortis de points de vue originaux. Mais les traités et manuels d'histoire de l'art espagnol n'ont généralement l'ait que reprendre les éléments déjà établis par le grand savant au début de ce siècle, et diffuser ses idées.

First, we examine the aspects of the political sovereignty on the Shakespearean stage. In the light of Walter Benjamin's Origin of the German baroque drama (1928) and of Carl Schmitt's answer to Benjamin in Hamlet or Hecuba (1956), we show that Shakespeare stages the mortality of the political bodies and the new sovereignty of the plotter. Urged to master the art and the tempo of the plot, the prince is nonetheless unable to prevent the decomposition of the state. Then, drawing on the Elizabethan drama, and especially on Hamlet, we question the contemporary effort towards order and synchronization within the city. Hobbes's theory of political and juridical representation breaks with the mystical conception of political unity and with any inspired legislation, whereas the civil scene is dedicated to the peace between individuals in order to ensure the possibility of a real autonomy in the private sphere. Reciprocally, this autonomy must consolidate the solutions to the problems of melancholy and skepticism conceptualized in Leviathan. While endorsing the tragedy of human condition and of knowledge already put on stage by Shakespeare, Leviathan prevents Schmitt's exaltation as well as the « pure » violence which, according to Benjamin, lies in the subject's state of exception. Yet, through the ghosts that Leviathan cannot tolerate within the public sphere, the Shakespearean stage unravels the mechanisms of perpetual order and synchronization without rejecting the law and the project of autonomy. ; Nous examinons d'abord les aspects de la souveraineté politique sur la scène shakespearienne. À la lumière des analyses consacrées par Walter Benjamin au drame baroque, en 1928, et de la réaction de Carl Schmitt dans Hamlet ou Hécube (1956), nous montrons que Shakespeare met en scène la mortalité des corps politiques et la souveraineté nouvelle de l'intrigant dans le temps terrestre. Sommé de maîtriser l'art et le tempo de l'intrigue, le Prince est néanmoins impuissant à empêcher la décomposition de l'État. En prenant ...

First, we examine the aspects of the political sovereignty on the Shakespearean stage. In the light of Walter Benjamin's Origin of the German baroque drama (1928) and of Carl Schmitt's answer to Benjamin in Hamlet or Hecuba (1956), we show that Shakespeare stages the mortality of the political bodies and the new sovereignty of the plotter. Urged to master the art and the tempo of the plot, the prince is nonetheless unable to prevent the decomposition of the state. Then, drawing on the Elizabethan drama, and especially on Hamlet, we question the contemporary effort towards order and synchronization within the city. Hobbes's theory of political and juridical representation breaks with the mystical conception of political unity and with any inspired legislation, whereas the civil scene is dedicated to the peace between individuals in order to ensure the possibility of a real autonomy in the private sphere. Reciprocally, this autonomy must consolidate the solutions to the problems of melancholy and skepticism conceptualized in Leviathan. While endorsing the tragedy of human condition and of knowledge already put on stage by Shakespeare, Leviathan prevents Schmitt's exaltation as well as the « pure » violence which, according to Benjamin, lies in the subject's state of exception. Yet, through the ghosts that Leviathan cannot tolerate within the public sphere, the Shakespearean stage unravels the mechanisms of perpetual order and synchronization without rejecting the law and the project of autonomy. ; Nous examinons d'abord les aspects de la souveraineté politique sur la scène shakespearienne. À la lumière des analyses consacrées par Walter Benjamin au drame baroque, en 1928, et de la réaction de Carl Schmitt dans Hamlet ou Hécube (1956), nous montrons que Shakespeare met en scène la mortalité des corps politiques et la souveraineté nouvelle de l'intrigant dans le temps terrestre. Sommé de maîtriser l'art et le tempo de l'intrigue, le Prince est néanmoins impuissant à empêcher la décomposition de l'État. En prenant ...

First, we examine the aspects of the political sovereignty on the Shakespearean stage. In the light of Walter Benjamin's Origin of the German baroque drama (1928) and of Carl Schmitt's answer to Benjamin in Hamlet or Hecuba (1956), we show that Shakespeare stages the mortality of the political bodies and the new sovereignty of the plotter. Urged to master the art and the tempo of the plot, the prince is nonetheless unable to prevent the decomposition of the state. Then, drawing on the Elizabethan drama, and especially on Hamlet, we question the contemporary effort towards order and synchronization within the city. Hobbes's theory of political and juridical representation breaks with the mystical conception of political unity and with any inspired legislation, whereas the civil scene is dedicated to the peace between individuals in order to ensure the possibility of a real autonomy in the private sphere. Reciprocally, this autonomy must consolidate the solutions to the problems of melancholy and skepticism conceptualized in Leviathan. While endorsing the tragedy of human condition and of knowledge already put on stage by Shakespeare, Leviathan prevents Schmitt's exaltation as well as the « pure » violence which, according to Benjamin, lies in the subject's state of exception. Yet, through the ghosts that Leviathan cannot tolerate within the public sphere, the Shakespearean stage unravels the mechanisms of perpetual order and synchronization without rejecting the law and the project of autonomy. ; Nous examinons d'abord les aspects de la souveraineté politique sur la scène shakespearienne. À la lumière des analyses consacrées par Walter Benjamin au drame baroque, en 1928, et de la réaction de Carl Schmitt dans Hamlet ou Hécube (1956), nous montrons que Shakespeare met en scène la mortalité des corps politiques et la souveraineté nouvelle de l'intrigant dans le temps terrestre. Sommé de maîtriser l'art et le tempo de l'intrigue, le Prince est néanmoins impuissant à empêcher la décomposition de l'État. En prenant appui sur le drame élisabéthain, notamment sur le vertige mélancolique et sceptique d'Hamlet, nous interrogeons alors l'effort contemporain en vue de l'ordre et de la synchronisation dans la cité. La théorie hobbesienne de la représentation politique et juridique moderne rompt avec la conception mystique de l'unité politique et toute écriture inspirée des lois, tandis que la scène civile y est dédiée à la paix du commerce entre les individus afin de garantir les conditions d'une autonomie réelle dans la sphère privée. Réciproquement, cette autonomie doit pérenniser les solutions à la mélancolie et au scepticisme conceptualisées dans Léviathan. Tout en entérinant la tragédie de l'existence humaine et de tout savoir déjà mise en scène par Shakespeare, Léviathan évite d'emblée l'exaltation schmittienne ainsi que la violence « pure » logée, selon Benjamin, dans l'état d'exception de la subjectivité. À travers les spectres qui, chez Hobbes, n'ont plus droit de cité, la scène shakespearienne défait cependant les mécanismes de l'ordre et de la synchronisation continus, cela sans congédier le droit ni le projet de l'autonomie.

The analysis carried out by Benedetto Croce in Storia d'Italia dal 1871 al
1915 and in Storia d'Europa nel secolo decimonono, as observed by the
most perceptive interpreters of the historiographical activity of Croce,
excludes the conflict phases that preceded the historical periods taken
into consideration (The Risorgimento for the History of Italy and the
French Revolution for the History of Europe). This paper shows how the
perplexity of the historiographical setting of Croce is also found in the
book about the Baroque period in Italian history that was published in the
same year of the two most important and well-known historical works by
Benedetto Croce.