Suchergebnisse

A polemic exchange touched off by Hughes' review of Fogarty's Christian Democracy in Western Europe, 1820-1953 in an earlier issue. Fogarty: In addition to direct attacks, we have had to put up with the subtler technique of the smear & the whispering campaign. An example is the efforts so often made to deny or cover up the fact that it is regularly the Christian Democrats (CD's) who are left to carry the can of democracy at Europe's danger points. French democratic politics, heaven knows, is nothing to admire just now. But let it at least be said that the waters would have closed over the 4th Republic long ago, in view of the fallen credit of both Socialists & Radicals, if the CD's had not swelled to 5 times their pre-WWII parliamentary strength (even more in the 1st yrs after WWII), & given the center such strength & cohesion as it has had. The main feature of Italian politics is not the imperfections of CD, great though these are, but the collapse of democratic humanist parties into insignif & their inability to attract even those who share their lack of faith. Of Germany also it can be said that neither liberal nor socialist humanists have produced a policy that makes sense to the German people in the present world & so provides a firm foundation for democracy. I think they, & (total - sum) sp the socialists, will eventually do so: the socialists have for some time been struggling to sort themselves out. But in the meantime it is the CD's who have carried the can, & not too unsuccessfully, through the key period of recovery from WWII. Hughes: I agree with Fogarty that the tragedy of the 4th French Republic-as of Italy from 1919-1922-lay in the failure of CD's & Socialists to reach a common program of soc reconstruction. Beyond this minimum of agreement, however, beyond the basic ethical principles that we hold in common, Cath's & secularists necessarily diverge. Where the Church itself is concerned, where clericalism, new or old, enters the scene, each side must be on its guard. In his book Fogarty strongly implied that Christian leaders should behave toward the godless with some reserve. In my review I replied, rather more bluntly, that the feeling was mutual. I like Giolitti's classic definition of church & state as parallel lines that should never meet. For when they do meet, explosions are bound to occur. To avoid such explosions in a period of clerical resurgence-Protestant as well as Cath-requires something more than the sort of polite looking the other way that has become de rigueur in US politics. It requires a willingness to speak out-even at the risk of wounding one's best friends-a willingness which, I trust, both of us have displayed in the present controversy. J. A. Fishman.

"Religious Traditions in Politics: Catholicism" published on by Oxford University Press.

THE ADVENT OF POPE JOHN XXIII MARKED THE APPEARANCE OF ANGLO-HIBERIAN CATHOLICISM IN THE CITIES OF BRITAIN, NORTH AMERICA, AND AUSTRIALIA. MOST CATHOLICS WERE ILL-PREPARED FOR JOHN XXIII. FRANK SHEED WAS ONE MAN WHO VIEWED JOHN'S WORK AS GIVING SUBSTANCE TO HIS OWN DREAMS.

Le livre de J.-B. Duroselxe achève de combler une lacune regrettable que d'autres avaient commencé récemment à réduire. Grâce à cette grosse étude, à celles de Georges Hoog et de Henri Rollet, nous connaissons désormais l'essor difficile au XIXe siècle d'un mouvement qui a manifesté son ampleur après la première guerre seulement, et surtout après 1944.L'ouvrage est très érudit. Il travaille en terre presque vierge, à l'aide de brochures rares, d'archives familiales difficiles à rejoindre, de documents dispersés à travers tout l'éventaire des Archives publiques. Le casier « catholicisme social» n'existe encore nulle part. Pas même dans le Grandin. Or cette érudition est vigoureusement maîtrisée et pose d'importants problèmes.

One of the most confusing incidents in the history of Roman Catholicism in the United States is the condemnation of Americanism by Pope Leo XIII. In his apostolic letter, Testem Benevolentiae, of January 22, 1899, Pope Leo condemned those methods of apologetics which stressed natural virtues to the neglect of dogmatic teachings and those notions of spiritual direction which insisted on individual inspiration and the active virtues in preference to external guidance and the passive virtues. These doctrines had acquired the name of Americanism in European theological circles, partly as a result of the French adaptation of the biography of Father Isaac Hecker written in English by Father Walter Elliott, and partly as a result of a controversy waged in several European Catholic periodicals. The subsequent denials of most of the American prelates that the heretical Americanism ever existed in the United States, together with the counter-charges of certain conservative prelates and foreign-language groups, only add to the confusion of the historical account. The astute silence of most Catholic historians on the controversy for fear of reawakening the sharp animosities of the time has given rise to many misconceptions about the affair, even causing some suspicion that Pope Leo in some way condemned American national traits or even the loyalty of American Catholics to American political institutions.

Using fears of Catholicism as a mechanism through which to explore the contours of Anglo-American understandings of freedom, Anti-Catholicism in America, 1620–1860 reveals the ironic role that anti-Catholicism played in defining and sustaining some of the core values of American identity, values that continue to animate our religious and political discussions today. Farrelly explains how that bias helped to shape colonial and antebellum cultural understandings of God, the individual, salvation, society, government, law, national identity, and freedom. In so doing, Anti-Catholicism in America, 1620–1860 provides contemporary observers with a framework for understanding what is at stake in the debate over the place of Muslims and other non-Christian groups in American society

Le processus de sécularisation, dans la multiplicité de ses formes, la mobilité des sujets, la multiplication et la spécialisation des lieux, a fortement remis en question le rapport entre religion et territoire, notamment à l'intérieur du catholicisme. De la terre consacrée et sous la protection de Dieu, le croyant s'est acclimaté à un territoire désenchanté où toute symbolisation religieuse des lieux n'a plus de sens. Entre la paroisse qui ne fait plus de repère et l'église monumentale qui ne se constitue plus comme lieu, les institutions religieuses s'attachent à de nouvelles architectures institutionnelles. La recherche d'un ancrage territorial se croise avec la liberté de mobilité des fidèles et notamment leur autonomie quant au choix des lieux de culte, mais elle va aussi à l'encontre d'une sécularisation du territoire où toute attribution de signification religieuse ne s'affirme pas sans conflits.

Der Verfasser untersucht das Verhältnis der katholischen Kirche in Polen zur Vollmitgliedschaft Polens in der EU differenziert für das Episkopat, den Klerus sowie den politischen Katholizismus und die Laienorganisationen. Die Mehrheit der polnischen Bischöfe milderte ihre sehr reservierte Haltung zu einer EU-Mitgliedschaft Polens erst in der zweiten Hälfte der 90er Jahre ab. In der Priesterschaft bestehen weniger Vorbehalte als im Episkopat. Auch die einflussreiche nationalkatholische Strömung und ihre Organisation 'Christlich-Nationale Vereinigung' (ZChN) vollzog eine Wende zu einer pragmatischeren Haltung. Im Netzwerk der Laienorganisationen ist das Bild noch uneinheitlich. Insgesamt kann das Klima im polnischen Katholizismus nicht als durchgängig europafreundlich beschrieben werden. (ICE2)