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Regardless of the earlier assumptions about the obsolescence of the classic federal theory, the paper emphasizes the contemporary significance and relevance of federalism. Europe is the epicentre of modern federalization processes, not only when it comes to the European Union, but also a number of European countries such as Belgium, Spain and the United Kingdom. The paper points out the fundamental distinction between the classic and modern federalism, which has its origin in the fact that federal systems 'arise' differently as a result of opposite processes of federalization and that in this sense we can distinguish between classic "integrative" and modern "devolutive" federalism. The basic assumptions of the paper are that 1) these two federalism patterns originally differ in the character of the basic constitutive act of the federal union with regard to the subject of creating a federation, and 2) because contemporary federations are "federal states without a federal foundation" this difference is not noticeable today. On the contrary, it has largely disappeared, and in this way, the difference between classic and modern federalism is actually bridged. ; Bez obzira na ranije postavke o zastarjelosti klasične federalne teorije u radu se naglašava suvremeni značaj i aktualnost federalizma. Upravo je Europa epicentar suvremenih procesa federalizacije, ne samo kada je riječ o Europskoj uniji, već i nizu europskih država poput Belgije, Španjolske i Ujedinjene Kraljevine. U radu se ukazuje na temeljno razlikovanje klasičnog i suvremenog federalizma, koje ima ishodište upravo u činjenici da federalni sustavi različito "nastaju" kao rezultat suprotnih procesa federalizacije i da u tom smislu možemo razlikovati klasični "integrativni" i suvremeni "devolutivni" federalizam. Temeljne su postavke rada da 1) između ta dva obrasca federalizma izvorno postoji suštinska razlika u karakteru temeljnog konstitutivnog akta federalnog saveza s obzirom na subjekta stvaranja federacije, i 2) s obzirom na to da su suvremene federacije "savezne države bez federalnog temelja" ta razlika danas više nije zamjetna, već je ona, naprotiv, u velikoj mjeri nestala i na taj način zapravo se premošćuje razlika između klasičnog i suvremenog federalizma.

Bez obzira na ranije postavke o zastarjelosti klasične federalne teorije u radu se naglašava suvremeni značaj i aktualnost federalizma. Upravo je Europa epicentar suvremenih procesa federalizacije, ne samo kada je riječ o Europskoj uniji, već i nizu europskih država poput Belgije, Španjolske i Ujedinjene Kraljevine. U radu se ukazuje na temeljno razlikovanje klasičnog i suvremenog federalizma, koje ima ishodište upravo u činjenici da federalni sustavi različito "nastaju" kao rezultat suprotnih procesa federalizacije i da u tom smislu možemo razlikovati klasični "integrativni" i suvremeni "devolutivni" federalizam. Temeljne su postavke rada da 1) između ta dva obrasca federalizma izvorno postoji suštinska razlika u karakteru temeljnog konstitutivnog akta federalnog saveza s obzirom na subjekta stvaranja federacije, i 2) s obzirom na to da su suvremene federacije "savezne države bez federalnog temelja" ta razlika danas više nije zamjetna, već je ona, naprotiv, u velikoj mjeri nestala i na taj način zapravo se premošćuje razlika između klasičnog i suvremenog federalizma. ; Regardless of the earlier assumptions about the obsolescence of the classic federal theory, the paper emphasizes the contemporary significance and relevance of federalism. Europe is the epicentre of modern federalization processes, not only when it comes to the European Union, but also a number of European countries such as Belgium, Spain and the United Kingdom. The paper points out the fundamental distinction between the classic and modern federalism, which has its origin in the fact that federal systems 'arise' differently as a result of opposite processes of federalization and that in this sense we can distinguish between classic "integrative" and modern "devolutive" federalism. The basic assumptions of the paper are that 1) these two federalism patterns originally differ in the character of the basic constitutive act of the federal union with regard to the subject of creating a federation, and 2) because contemporary federations are "federal states without a federal foundation" this difference is not noticeable today. On the contrary, it has largely disappeared, and in this way, the difference between classic and modern federalism is actually bridged.

Since its foundation, on 26 November 1978, in the remote village of Fis in Turkey's Lice province, the ethnic-secessionist PKK, also known as Kurdish Workers' Party (Partiya Karkeren Kurdistan), a terrorist organization, had its tidal phases throughout three decades and managed to transform itself in line with the conjuncture. It has first sought to fight for Kurdish people's cultural and social rights and freedoms, then to set up an autonomous Kurdish administration within Turkey, brought together under the framework of "democratic confederalism". In the Middle East, where nation states can no longer sustain, the only convenient solution would be a pyramid-based organization of democratic confederalism (Öcalan, 2004:28). PKK's ultimate goal is to free and unite the Kurdish people living separately in the four parts (Turkey, Iraq, Syria and Iran) of Greater Kurdistan and find itself a passage to Mediterranean Sea.

Inhaltsverzeichnis: Introduction - Federico Venturini, Emet Değirmenci, and Inés Morales -- Part 1: Discovering Social Ecology -- Part 2: Engaging with the Right to the City -- Part 3: The Kurdish Answer: Democratic Confederalism -- Part 4: Transforming Social Theory -- Part 5: Walking with the Right to the City.

This paper will analyse the Kurdish movement's embracement of democratic confederalist ideology from a security perspective. The purpose of this study is to understand why the Kurdish movement turned from ethnonationalism to an anti-statist ideology. I argue that the Kurdish movement embraced democratic confederalism in a bid to facilitate the de-securitization of the Kurdish issue. The Kurdish movement in Turkey was born as a nationalist, anti-colonialist independentist movement. The Turkish government responded to the Kurdish issue by securitizing it and hence, considered only military responses to address its long-standing minority issue. However, in the 2000s, the Kurdish movement embraced democratic confederalism, an ideology that rejects nationalism and separatism, in favour of local self-government within existing state borders. Through this attempt to relocate the Kurdish issue from the security sphere to the ordinary political sphere, the Kurdish movement hoped to achieve a political settlement between the Turkish government and the Kurds.

Front Matter -- Copyright Page -- Preface -- Contributors -- Theoretical Perspectives -- The Right of Self-Determination in International Law /Gudmundur Alfredsson -- Nations, Territorial Minorities, Democratic Theory and National Self-Determination /Ephraim Nimni -- The Multiple Paths to Territorial Autonomy: Examples and Conceptual Underpinnings /Sia Spiliopoulou Åkermark -- Distribution of Legislative Powers in a Sub-state Context – a Comparison of Double Enumerations in Federal and Autonomy Settings /Markku Suksi -- Autonomous Communities and Environmental Law: The Basque Case /Daniele Conversi and Xabier Ezeizabarrena -- European and Middle Eastern Perspectives -- Territorial Autonomy and Minority Self-Government in Spain: Catalonia and the Basque Country /Eduardo J. Ruiz Vieytez -- Territorial and Cultural Self-Governance in Italy: Strengths and Challenges of South Tyrol's Autonomy /Andrea Carlà and Sergiu Constantin -- Self-Determination, Federalism and Autonomy in the Middle East /Thomas Schmidinger -- Democratic Confederalism in Syria: The Nation-State, the Kurds, and International Law /Thomas James Phillips -- Legal Background of Autonomy Arrangements in Turkey from Historical Perspectives /Olgun Akbulut -- Unpacking the 'Democratic Confederalism' and 'Democratic Autonomy': Proposals of Turkey's Kurdish Movement /Cengiz Gunes -- Back Matter -- Index.

"Federalism and Regional Autonomy" published on by Oxford University Press.

Cover -- Title page -- Copyright -- Contents -- Introduction -- LECTURE I: Critique and Self-Critique-The Rise of the Kurdish Freedom Movement from the Rubble of Two World Wars -- LECTURE II: The Rebellion of the Oldest Colony-Jineolojî, the Science of Women and Life -- LECTURE III: Democratic Confederalism and Democratic Nation-Defense of Society against Societycide -- Havin Guneser Interviewed by Sasha Lilley -- Political Biography of Abdullah Öcalan -- About the Contributors.

About the Author; Title; Copyright; Contents; Glossary of Organizations, Cities and Towns; Glossary of Key Figures; Chronology of Significant Events; Introduction; 1. 'The Time of Revolution has Started'; 2. PKK Origins and Ideological Formation; 3. Early Years of Struggle; 4. From Ceasefire to All-Out War; 5. The Move Towards Peace; 6. Democratic Confederalism and the PKK's Feminist Transformation; 7. Coming Down from the Mountains; References; Index.

Front Cover -- Title Page -- Half Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- Foreword to the English Edition -- Preface by Andrej Grubačić -- Introduction -- Afrin and the "Mountain of the Kurds" -- Population and Language -- Religious Communities -- History -- Democratic Confederalism in the Canton of Afrin -- Development of the Canton of Afrin from 2012 to 2018 -- Kurdish Enclaves in the Afrin Area -- The War against Afrin -- Voices from Afrin -- What Next? -- Acronym Key -- Bibliography -- Index -- About the Authors.

More than three decades after the approval of the Spanish Constitution and in spite of the big amount of studies and analysis that it has generated, there is still an important debate on the territorial distribution of power. This matter came to its highest point when the process to reform different Statutes of Autonomy started in 2003. As an answer to the aforementioned scenario, Professor Ruiperez's book shows the need to elaborate a constitutional theory on the State of Autonomies. From this point of view he analyzes critically the difficulties and problems (both historic and politic) that has generated the current conceptual confusion on the matter, in order to determine the elements and pillars necessary to draw up a constitutional theory on the State of Autonomies.Pasadas más de tres décadas desde la aprobación de la Constitución española, y pese al importante número de estudios y análisis que la misma ha generado, lo cierto es que todavía existe una importante polémica en torno a la distribución territorial del poder. Cuestión que ha tenido su punto más álgido con el proceso de reforma de varios Estatutos de Autonomía iniciado a partir del año 2003. Precisamente, y en respuesta al citado panorama, el libro del Profesor Ruipérez pone de manifiesto la necesidad de elaborar una teoría constitucional del Estado de las Autonomías. Así, y desde esta perspectiva, analiza críticamente las dificultades y problemas (históricos, políticos, etc.) que ha generado el presente confusionismo conceptual en la materia; para determinar posteriormente los elementos y pilares necesarios en orden a formular una teoría constitucional del Estado de las Autonomías.

The current situation in the Middle East shows that the national states are not able to solve the problems of society. Democratic confederalism as society concept - developed by PKK leader Ocalan for the solution of the Kurdish question - offers a promising alternative, which could pose a political perspective even beyond the region. Using the example of the autonomous Kurdish cantons Rojavas in northern Syria, this is shown by way of example. Adapted from the source document.

"Nicht nur in der Europäischen Union, sondern in allen föderal organisierten westlichen Nationalstaaten nimmt die Region eine immer stärkere Rolle ein; eine Rolle, die vor allem mit Blick auf drei Ziele der Politik - die ökonomische Modernisierung, die Klärung der Identitätsfrage sowie die Demokratisierung und Legitimationssicherung - ihre Begründung findet. Belgien kommt in diesem Zusammenhang eine besondere Bedeutung zu, lässt doch der klassische Antagonismus zwischen den Sprachgruppen des Landes, d.h. den Wallonen, den Flamen und der deutschsprachigen Gruppe, nur die Wahl zwischen einer umfassenden Regionalisierung mit weitreichender Kompetenzübertragung oder dem Zerfall des belgischen Staates. Und in der Tat befindet sich das kleine westeuropäische Land seit langem auf dem Weg in einen 'Regionalstaaten- Verbund', in dem viele den Begriff des Confederalisme zunehmend als politisch-kulturelles Allheilmittel verstehen und dessen Föderalismuskonzept mit seinem vorbildlichen Minderheitenschutz wertvolle Impulse auch in andere EU Mitgliedsländer ausstrahlt." (Autorenreferat)