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Reprinted from volume one of the Iowa applied history series published at Iowa City in 1912 by the State Historical Society of Iowa. ; Mode of access: Internet.

AbstractPolice judges in collusion with corrupt bail bond brokers and attorneys were recalled by the people after indictments by the grand jury had been dismissed.

Environmental regulations typify a large class of activities in the public sector where government agencies are required to monitor the degree of compliance. These tasks are usually delegated to bureaucrats who, as self-interested agents, may engage in corrupt behavior. Such problems abound, particularly in developing countries, where corruption is regarded as one of the major causes of environmental degradation. This paper investigates the implications of corruption for the optimal design of environmental regulations and analyses the interaction between the prosecution rate, monitoring rate, and fines. It is shown that even if corruption can be deterred the fact that it may occur substantially impedes the ability of a regulator to control environmentally degrading activities.

This chapter advances an eccentric model of corruption both to understand various disturbing features of Donald Trumps political career, and to explore the risks of using the term corrupt as a pejorative label for Trump. Here corruption refers to the transfer of value from higher to lower positions along a moral gradient through a violation of the sacred. Curiously, Trump himself celebrates his own sacrilegious transfer of value from the "elite" to those ordinary (coded white) people positioned at the bottom (the so-called Deplorables) of a moral gradient identified with "The Establishment." Therefore, adversarial assertions of Trumps corruption risk mimetically affirming the modes of agency he arrogates to himself. More specifically, they risk testifying to his successful transfer of (mostly symbolic) value through a set of three tactics-- excitation, transduction, and shunting-- explored throughout the chapter. ; Accepted version ; This chapter was accepted by the book editors in 2020 and then the publisher accepted the collection in 2021. ; Yes (Peer reviewed?)

Die explorative Studie nutzt qualitative Interviews mit einfachen Bürgern um das Problem der allgegenwärtigen und anhaltenden Alltagskorruption in post-sowjetischen Staaten zu analysieren. Es wird zum einen nach den zugrunde liegenden Einstellungen, Werten und Erwartungen der Klienten gefragt, die diese korrupt handeln lassen, zum anderen wird der Einfluss dieser alltäglichen informellen Praktiken auf Entwicklung und Qualität von demokratischen Institutionen in post-sowjetischen Staaten untersucht. Die Ergebnisse des ersten Teils legen nahe, dass sich der größte Einfluss auf die Bereitschaft zu korruptem Handeln aus der Kombination der Effekte aus sowjetischem Erbe und rationalem Verhalten, das die Situation als ein Problem kollektiven Handelns interpretiert, ergibt. Bezüglich der Frage nach der Wirkung von informellen Praktiken und mit ihnen einhergehenden sowjetischen Einstellungen auf die Entwicklung von funktionierenden demokratischen Institutionen zeigt die Studie eine Reihe von problematischen Aspekten auf: Zuvorderst den Vorzug von individuellen vor kollektiven Lösungen sowie den anhaltenden Effekt von informellen Netzwerken, kombiniert mit einer tiefen Abneigung gegenüber dem Staat und einem schwachen Gefühl der eigenen Wirksamkeit. Zusammengenommen bilden diese ein schwerwiegendes Hindernis für politische Partizipation und die Entwicklung eines gesellschaftlichen Gemeinschaftsgefühls. Entgegen der gängigen Forschungs-meinung hat diese Studie also gezeigt, dass bestimmte Formen von Korruption, genauer der besondere Typ der post-sowjetischen informellen Transaktionen, einen negativen Einfluss auf die Entwicklung demokratischer Institutionen haben und die Wirkungsrichtung zwischen Demokratie und Korruption nicht allein von schwachen demokratischen Institutionen zu mehr Korruption zeigt. ; The explorative study uses qualitative interviews with ordinary citizens to examine the problem of pervasiveness and persistence of administrative corruption in the Soviet successor states. It analyses the problem on two levels, taking an interest in the underlying attitudes, values and expectations of why clients engage in corrupt transactions, and asking about the influence of these low-level informal practices on the development and quality of democratic institutions in post-soviet states. Regarding the former, the analysis established the combined effect of Soviet legacy and rational behaviour interpreting the situation as a problem of collective action. These two are the main drivers influencing the readiness for corrupt transactions. They mutually reinforce each other and the highest propensity to act corruptly is found when these two aspects coincide. The answer to the question whether the lasting impact of informal practices and Soviet attitudinal patterns going along with them conflicts with the development of well-functioning, democratic institutions was clearly affirmative. The study showed that it is particularly a preference of individual over collective solutions and the continued effect of persisting informal networks combined with a deep disregard of the state and a low feeling of agency that pose serious obstacles to the quality of political participation and to the sense of community on the societal level. Contrary to the common argument the study has therefore established that the causality in the nexus between democracy and corruption is not a one-way road leading from weak democratic institutions to higher levels of corruption, but that certain forms of corruption, more precisely the specific type of post-soviet informality, have a negative impact on the development of democratic institutions making causality follow a bidirectional path and constituting a vicious circle of informality.