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Colin Crouch has collected evidence to demonstrate how current democratic societies, with a new wave of economic liberalism in the past four decades, have entered a "post-democratic" era. He uses the formula of a parabolato highlight the structure of this long-term transformation. According to him, in the "post-democratic" period the democratic institutions still remain formally intact, but the political class has increasingly become more dependent on big corporations and financial institutions and less dependent on ordinary citizens. In this paper, I will try to integrate this concept of democracy in a process-sociological concept of democratization and de-democratization. It will be discussed why the second concept is more reality congruent than the less differentiated and static concept of "post-democracy." With the aid of this new process or figurational sociological concept, one is able to empirically investigate both processes of democratization and de-democratization. To conclude the paper, this new concept will be briefly applied to the ongoing political and social processes in the United States.

In this introduction to the dossier "Philosophy of political participation", co-edited with Moira Pérez and Blas Radi, I map some of the topics and problems that motivated our call for papers. In the first section, I introduce two main models of political participation in democratic contexts, along with the thesis that a particular traditional way of understanding it promotes today's de-democratizing phenomena. In the second section, I suggest that it is fruitful to study political participation by focusing on the problems that inclusion in collective formal processes of political decision causes for certain people and collectives, within the framework of systems of structural domination. In the last section, I briefly present the works collected in this dossier. ; En este texto de presentación del número especial "Filosofía de la participación política", coeditado con Moira Pérez y Blas Radi, mapeo algunos de los temas y problemas que motivaron la convocatoria a trabajos. En la primera sección presento dos grandes modelos de la participación política en contextos democráticos, con la tesis de que los fenómenos desdemocratizantes del presente se ven facilitados por un cierto modo de entenderla. En la segunda sección propongo que una manera fructífera de estudiar la participación política es a través de los problemas que la inclusión en los procesos colectivos formales de decisión política democrática acarrea para determinadas personas y colectivos, en el marco de sistemas de dominación estructural. Por último, presento brevemente los diferentes trabajos que componen este número especial.

La presente investigación exploratoria busca demostrar cómo la creación de un Quinto Poder en Ecuador, a través de una Asamblea Constituyente, conceptualmente y en la práctica ha generado una des democratización del país, como estudio de caso. Entre otros factores, se analiza la falta de legitimidad provocada por su carente representación política al estar conformada por siete miembros encargados, entre otras cosas, de la designación de las principales autoridades de control del país, en lugar de la Función Legislativa como le ha correspondido históricamente por su naturaleza política. El Socialismo del siglo XXI crea el Quinto Poder en la Constitución de 2008, que fue fácilmente cooptado por el Ejecutivo, como respuesta al híper presidencialismo diseñado en la misma Carta Magna. Este aproximamiento teórico conceptual, a más de permitir comprobar la hipótesis, pretende determinar con un método científico el modo de conjugar la legitimidad que otorga la representación política, en función de democratizar al Estado para que cumpla su fin último, que es el bien común ; The present exploratory research seeks to demonstrate how the creation of a Fifth Power in Ecuador, through a Constituent Assembly, conceptually and in practice has generated into a de-democratization of the State, as a case study. Among other factors, the lack of legitimacy caused by any political representation, to be composed of seven members in charge, among other things, the designation of the main control authorities of the country, instead of the Legislative Function as it has been historically and emerges from its political nature. The 21st century socialism created the Fifth Power at the 2008 Constitution, it was easily co-opted by the Executive, in response to the hyper presidentialism designed in the "Carta Magna". This conceptual theoretical approach, besides the hypothesis that, aims to determine, through the scientific method, the way to combine the legitimacy that political representation grants, in terms of democratizing the State to fulfills its ultimate goal, which is the common good

This article explores two Latin American artistic experiences, Diarios del odio (Argentina, 2014-2017) and Odiolândia (Brazil, 2017-2018). Both work with the same residual matter: texts that circulate the web and that express hatred. In the first one, Jacoby and Krochmalny work with the texts that anonymous commentators wrote under newspaper articles published between 2008 and 2015 in the online versions of La Nación and Clarín. This artistic experience adopted different languages: it was an installation, later became a poetry book and finally took the form of a performance, directed by Silvio Lang. The second experience, developed by Beiguelman, takes similar texts, but published by Facebook users on their virtual walls. They address a specific fact: the police repression that took place between May 21 and June 9, 2017 in Cracolândia, a neighborhood in São Paulo whose streets are occupied by crack users. Odiolândia also began as an audiovisual installation and became a book. The poetic practice of interrupting this discursive flow opens the possibility to reflect upon the structures of feeling of a time that is characterized by de-democratization, and suggests poetic and political strategies of resistance. ; Este artículo explora dos experiencias artísticas latinoamericanas, Diarios del odio (Argentina, 2014-2017) y Odiolândia (Brasil, 2017-2018), que abordan una misma materia residual: discursos que circulan en la web y que expresan odio. En la primera, Jacoby y Krochmalny trabajan con los textos que los foristas escribieron bajo artículos periodísticos publicados entre 2008 y 2015 en las versiones on-line de los diarios La Nación y Clarín. Esta experiencia artística fue adoptando diferentes lenguajes: fue instalación, devino plaqueta de poemas y por último tomó forma de obra escénica, dirigida por Silvio Lang. La segunda experiencia, desarrollada por Beiguelman, toma textos similares, pero publicados por usuarios de Facebook en sus muros virtuales. Los mismos versan sobre un hecho específico: la represión policial que tuvo lugar entre el 21 de mayo y el 9 de junio de 2017 en Cracolândia, un barrio de São Paulo cuyas calles son ocupadas por usuarios de crack. También Odiolândia comenzó siendo una instalación audiovisual y devino libro. En ambas obras, el trabajo poético al realizar un corte en el flujo de los discursos abre la reflexión sobre las estructuras del sentir de una época, caracterizada por la desdemocratización, y propone construir estrategias de resistencia poético - políticas.

The following article aims to expose the general variables of the Brazilian economic-political crisis, which began in 2013 and is currently in force. The aim is to expose and analyze: a) the different interpretive aspects of the crisis; b) the historical structures of political power and their institutional framework; c) the structural determinants of the economic crisis and the political-economic contradictions of the Social-developmentalist model. The analysis concludes that the current crisis obeys to a multidimensional dynamic and is the product of the deepening structural and institutional contradictions implied in an inconclusive democratizing pact, which became a process of de-democratization. ; El siguiente artículo tiene como objetivo exponer las variables generales de la crisis económico-política brasileña, iniciada en el año 2013 y vigente en la actualidad. Se pretenden exponer y analizar: a) las diversas corrientes interpretativas de la crisis; b) las estructuras históricas de poder político y su marco institucional; c) las determinantes estructurales de la crisis económica y las contradicciones político- económicas del modelo social-desarrollista. El análisis concluye que la crisis actual obedece a una dinámica multidimensional y es el producto de la profundización de las contradicciones estructurales e institucionales implicadas en un pacto democratizador inconcluso, que devino en un proceso de desdemocratización.

En el presente artículo se exponen los cambios en las elites económicas desde los años 90 hasta la actualidad. Se evidencian las mutaciones en su composición, la pérdida de peso de algunos grupos económicos en el escenario nacional, como los dedicados a la agroexportación; y la emergencia de otros en el contexto de la globalización neoliberal, como los grupos dedicados a las telecomunicaciones, la energía, al sector financiero y a los servicios en general. Además, se establece la relación que existe entre estas elites económicas y el Estado y cómo se producen los procesos de desdemocratización de la sociedad hondureña. ; In the present article the changes in the economic elites from the years of 1990 until the present time are exposed. The mutations in its composition are evident, the loss of weight in the national scenario of some economic groups such as those dedicated to agro export and the emergence of others in the context of neoliberal globalization, such as the groups dedicated to telecommunications, energy, the financial sector and services in general. In addition, it establishes the relationship between these economic elites and the State, and how processes of de-democratization of Honduran society are taking place.

Cover -- Contents -- Acknowledgements -- Introduction -- Some lingering questions -- 1 Democracy as an Idea and as a Process -- From polis to republic -- Kings and barons -- Sovereignty and the nation-state -- People," bourgeoisies and revolutions -- Democracy, social imperialism and social contracts -- Democracy as hegemonic concept -- Hyphenated democracy -- Social democracy -- Democratization and re-democratization -- Participation, order and transition -- De-democratization -- Politics as the management of contradictions -- Modes of conflict management -- The many faces and layers of democracy -- 2 Formal and Substantive Democracy -- The meaning of democracy -- Democracy and elections -- Constitutions as political projects -- The organic paradigm -- Constitutions as inscribed discourses -- The substantive paradigm -- Constitutions: text, subtext and context -- Generation and exercise of authority -- Bureaucracy, security and democracy -- 3 Myths and Misconceptions about Democracy -- Liberalism and democracy -- The promises and problems of deliberation -- Democracy: beyond institutions -- Democracy challenged -- Authoritarian preserves in the socioeconomic order -- Alternative sources and practices -- 4 Popular Sovereignty, Citizenship and the Limits of Liberal Democracy -- Popular sovereignty -- Citizenship -- Transition to what? -- Justifying antidemocratic regimes -- Transition in theory and practice -- Democratic consolidation and stability -- De-democratization in the developed world -- 5 Democracy and Insecurity -- Threats to human security -- The global political crisis and its manifestations -- The spread of conflict -- Terrorism and counter-terrorism -- Crime and counter-crime -- Neo-fascism -- The present global context -- The system's culture -- The structure of the global system -- Global processes of continuity and change.

Democratization is the most comprehensive volume on this critical field of contemporary politics, with insightful coverage of the key theories, actors, dynamics, and developments. This authoritative guide brings together leading experts from diverse international backgrounds, including some of the best known names in the field, making it an invaluable resource to students of democratization. This second edition reflects the dramatic changes in today's political world, with empirical coverage of developments on every continent. It considers the role of new technologies, including a dedicated chapter on social media and democratization, as well as the resilience of authoritarianism and renewed antidemocratic tendencies in many parts of the world.

It is two decades since the 'third wave' of democratization began to roll across sub-Saharan Africa in the early 1990s. This book provides a very timely investigation into the progress and setbacks over that period, the challenges that remain and the prospects for future democratization in Africa. It commences with an overall assessment of the (lack of) progress made from 1990 to 2010, exploring positive developments with reasons for caution. Based on original research, subsequent contributions examine various themes through country case-studies, inclusive of: the routinisation of election.