Suchergebnisse

This paper analyzes the successes, failures, and lessons learned from the innovative experiments in decolonization that are currently underway in Bolivia and Nunavut, Canada. Bolivia and Nunavut are the first large-scale tests of Indigenous governance in the Americas. In both cases, Indigenous peoples are a marginalized majority who have recently assumed power by way of democratic mechanisms. In Bolivia, the inclusion of direct, participatory, and communitarian elements into the democratic system, has dramatically improved representation for Indigenous peoples. In Nunavut, the Inuit have also opted to pursue self-determination through a public government system rather than through an Inuit-specific self-government arrangement. The Nunavut government seeks to incorporate Inuit values, beliefs, and worldviews into a Canadian system of government. In both cases, the conditions for success are far from ideal. Significant social, economic, and institutional problems continue to plague the new governments of Bolivia and Nunavut. Based on original research in Bolivia and Nunavut, the paper finds that important democratic gains have been made. I argue that the emergence of new mechanisms for Indigenous and popular participation has the potential to strengthen democracy by enhancing or stretching liberal democratic conceptions and expectations. ; Este artículo analiza los éxitos, fracasos y lecciones aprendidas de los innovadores experimentos de descolonización que se están llevando a cabo actualmente en Bolivia y Nunavut, Canadá. Bolivia y Nunavut son los primeros experimentos de gobernanza indígena a gran escala en las Américas. En ambos casos, los pueblos indígenas son mayorías marginadas que recientemente han asumido el poder por medio de mecanismos democráticos. En Bolivia, la inclusión de elementos directos, participativos y comunitarios en el sistema democrático ha mejorado dramáticamente la representación de los pueblos indígenas. En Nunavut, los inuit también han optado por gestionar la autodeterminación a través de un sistema de gobierno público en lugar de un acuerdo de autogobierno específicamente inuit. El gobierno de Nunavut intenta incorporar valores, creencias y visiones del mundo inuit en el sistema de gobierno canadiense. En ambos casos, las condiciones para el éxito están lejos de ser ideales. Considerables problemas sociales, económicos e institucionales siguen afectando a los nuevos gobiernos de Bolivia y Nunavut. Pese a ello, y en base a investigaciones realizadas en Bolivia y Nunavut, el artículo da cuenta de importantes ganancias democráticas y propone que el surgimiento de nuevos mecanismos para la participación indígena y popular tiene el potencial de fortalecer la democracia al ampliar las concepciones y expectativas democráticas liberales.

Resulta poco factible decolonizar las prácticas y los saberes comunicacionales anclados en la colonialidad del poder de las políticas del conocimiento actuales y de las tradicionales voces autorizadas que indican qué, quién, cómo, cuándo y dónde se debe problematizar la Comunicación. Este texto sugiere la necesidad de su "liberación" –en función del estado epistemológico del campo– a partir de unas otras formas de ser-saber en el contorno de un conocimiento decolonizado, gestado no solo por la mera des-occidentalización en la producción, intervención y comprensión intelectual de los procesos comunicacionales, sino a través de la desobediencia epistémica. ; It would be unlikely to decolonize the communicational practices and lore anchored in the coloniality of power of the current knowledge politics and in the traditional authorize voices that indicate what, who, how, when and where to problematize Communication. This paper suggests the necessity of its "liberation" –held by the epistemological state of the field- based on some other ways of being-knowing in the edge of a decolonized knowledge, gestated not only by the mere de-westernization in the intellectual production, intervention and understanding of communication processes, but also through epistemic disobedience. ; Resulta pouco factível decolonizar as práticas e os saberes comunicacionais ancorados na colonialidade do poder das políticas de conhecimento atuais e das tradicionais vozes autorizadas que indicam o quê, quem, como, quando e onde se deve problematizar a Comunicação. Este texto sugere a necessidade de sua "liberação" – em função do estado epistemológico do campo – a partir de umas formas outras de ser-saber no contorno de um conhecimento decolonizado, gestado não apenas na mera des-ocidentalização da produção, intervenção e compreensão intelectual dos processos comunicacionais, mas por meio da desobediência epistêmica.

Resulta poco factible decolonizar las prácticas y los saberes comunicacionales anclados en la colonialidad del poder de las políticas del conocimiento actuales y de las tradicionales voces autorizadas que indican qué, quién, cómo, cuándo y dónde se debe problematizar la Comunicación. Este texto sugiere la necesidad de su "liberación" –en función del estado epistemológico del campo– a partir de unas otras formas de ser-saber en el contorno de un conocimiento decolonizado, gestado no solo por la mera des-occidentalización en la producción, intervención y comprensión intelectual de los procesos comunicacionales, sino a través de la desobediencia epistémica. ; It would be unlikely to decolonize the communicational practices and lore anchored in the coloniality of power of the current knowledge politics and in the traditional authorize voices that indicate what, who, how, when and where to problematize Communication. This paper suggests the necessity of its "liberation" –held by the epistemological state of the field- based on some other ways of being-knowing in the edge of a decolonized knowledge, gestated not only by the mere de-westernization in the intellectual production, intervention and understanding of communication processes, but also through epistemic disobedience. ; Resulta pouco factível decolonizar as práticas e os saberes comunicacionais ancorados na colonialidade do poder das políticas de conhecimento atuais e das tradicionais vozes autorizadas que indicam o quê, quem, como, quando e onde se deve problematizar a Comunicação. Este texto sugere a necessidade de sua "liberação" – em função do estado epistemológico do campo – a partir de umas formas outras de ser-saber no contorno de um conhecimento decolonizado, gestado não apenas na mera des-ocidentalização da produção, intervenção e compreensão intelectual dos processos comunicacionais, mas por meio da desobediência epistêmica. ; Facultad de Periodismo y Comunicación Social

It would be unlikely to decolonize the communicational practices and lore anchored in the coloniality of power of the current knowledge politics and in the traditional authorize voices that indicate what, who, how, when and where to problematize Communication. This paper suggests the necessity of its "liberation" –held by the epistemological state of the field- based on some other ways of being-knowing in the edge of a decolonized knowledge, gestated not only by the mere de-westernization in the intellectual production, intervention and understanding of communication processes, but also through epistemic disobedience. ; Resulta pouco factível decolonizar as práticas e os saberes comunicacionais ancorados na colonialidade do poder das políticas de conhecimento atuais e das tradicionais vozes autorizadas que indicam o quê, quem, como, quando e onde se deve problematizar a Comunicação. Este texto sugere a necessidade de sua "liberação" – em função do estado epistemológico do campo – a partir de umas formas outras de ser-saber no contorno de um conhecimento decolonizado, gestado não apenas na mera des-ocidentalização da produção, intervenção e compreensão intelectual dos processos comunicacionais, mas por meio da desobediência epistêmica. ; Resulta poco factible decolonizar las prácticas y los saberes comunicacionales anclados en la colonialidad del poder de las políticas del conocimiento actuales y de las tradicionales voces autorizadas que indican qué, quién, cómo, cuándo y dónde se debe problematizar la Comunicación. Este texto sugiere la necesidad de su "liberación" –en función del estado epistemológico del campo– a partir de unas otras formas de ser-saber en el contorno de un conocimiento decolonizado, gestado no solo por la mera des-occidentalización en la producción, intervención y comprensión intelectual de los procesos comunicacionales, sino a través de la desobediencia epistémica.

Resulta pouco factível decolonizar as práticas e os saberes comunicacionais ancorados na colonialidade do poder das políticas de conhecimento atuais e das tradicionais vozes autorizadas que indicam o quê, quem, como, quando e onde se deve problematizar a Comunicação. Este texto sugere a necessidade de sua "liberação" – em função do estado epistemológico do campo – a partir de umas formas outras de ser-saber no contorno de um conhecimento decolonizado, gestado não apenas na mera des-ocidentalização da produção, intervenção e compreensão intelectual dos processos comunicacionais, mas por meio da desobediência epistêmica. ; It would be unlikely to decolonize the communicational practices and lore anchored in the coloniality of power of the current knowledge politics and in the traditional authorize voices that indicate what, who, how, when and where to problematize Communication. This paper suggests the necessity of its "liberation" –held by the epistemological state of the field- based on some other ways of being-knowing in the edge of a decolonized knowledge, gestated not only by the mere de-westernization in the intellectual production, intervention and understanding of communication processes, but also through epistemic disobedience. ; Resulta poco factible decolonizar las prácticas y los saberes comunicacionales anclados en la colonialidad del poder de las políticas del conocimiento actuales y de las tradicionales voces autorizadas que indican qué, quién, cómo, cuándo y dónde se debe problematizar la Comunicación. Este texto sugiere la necesidad de su "liberación" –en función del estado epistemológico del campo– a partir de unas otras formas de ser-saber en el contorno de un conocimiento decolonizado, gestado no solo por la mera des-occidentalización en la producción, intervención y comprensión intelectual de los procesos comunicacionales, sino a través de la desobediencia epistémica. Facultad de Periodismo y Comunicación Social

It would be unlikely to decolonize the communicational practices and lore anchored in the coloniality of power of the current knowledge politics and in the traditional authorize voices that indicate what, who, how, when and where to problematize Communication. This paper suggests the necessity of its "liberation" –held by the epistemological state of the field- based on some other ways of being-knowing in the edge of a decolonized knowledge, gestated not only by the mere de-westernization in the intellectual production, intervention and understanding of communication processes, but also through epistemic disobedience. ; Resulta poco factible decolonizar las prácticas y los saberes comunicacionales anclados en la colonialidad del poder de las políticas del conocimiento actuales y de las tradicionales voces autorizadas que indican qué, quién, cómo, cuándo y dónde se debe problematizar la Comunicación. Este texto sugiere la necesidad de su "liberación" –en función del estado epistemológico del campo– a partir de unas otras formas de ser-saber en el contorno de un conocimiento decolonizado, gestado no solo por la mera des-occidentalización en la producción, intervención y comprensión intelectual de los procesos comunicacionales, sino a través de la desobediencia epistémica. ; Resulta pouco factível decolonizar as práticas e os saberes comunicacionais ancorados na colonialidade do poder das políticas de conhecimento atuais e das tradicionais vozes autorizadas que indicam o quê, quem, como, quando e onde se deve problematizar a Comunicação. Este texto sugere a necessidade de sua "liberação" – em função do estado epistemológico do campo – a partir de umas formas outras de ser-saber no contorno de um conhecimento decolonizado, gestado não apenas na mera des-ocidentalização da produção, intervenção e compreensão intelectual dos processos comunicacionais, mas por meio da desobediência epistêmica.

This paper is the result of the research project "Memories and apologies by the Magdalena River," which addresses some dynamics and tensions that occurred in the municipality of Morales, southern Bolivar, in connection with the phenomenon of armed conflict. The analysis focuses on recognizing the senses of enunciation, experiences and memory as a way to exercise political practices denoting structures of thought and action through which the subject can be understood in a specific reality. The reflections raised were made possible through analysis in decolonial perspective, specifically from the category of coloniality of power, which made it possible to question some of the political practices of the subject from their position as victim and their relationship with the State. ; El presente artículo es resultado del proyecto de investigación "Memorias y apologías a orillas del Magdalena. De la fortuna cultural y la trascendencia política para pensar la educación"[1], que aborda algunas dinámicas y tensiones acontecidas en el municipio de Morales, sur de Bolívar, a propósito delfenómeno del conflicto armado. El análisis se centra en el reconocimiento de los sentidos de enunciación, experiencias y memoria como forma de ejercer prácticas políticas que denotan estructuras de pensamiento y actuación a través de las cuales el sujeto puede comprenderse en una realidad específica. Las reflexiones suscitadas fueron posibles a travésdel análisis en perspectiva decolonial, puntualmente desde la categoría olonialidad del poder, que permitió interrogar algunas de las prácticas políticas del sujeto desde su lugar de víctima y su relación con el Estado. ; O presente artigo é o resultado do projeto de pesquisa "Memórias e apologias à beira do Magdalena. Da fortuna cultural e a transcendência política para pensar a educação", que abrange algumas dinâmicas e tensões acontecidas no município de Morales, no sul de Bolívar, a propósito do fenómeno do conflito armado. A análise centra-se no reconhecimento dos sentidos de enunciação, experiências e memória como forma de executar práticas políticas que evidenciam estruturas de pensamento e atuação através das que o sujeito pode se compreender em uma realidade específica. As reflexões suscitadas foram possíveis através da análise em perspectiva decolonial, especificamente desde a categoría colonialidade do poder, que permitiu questionar algumas das práticas políticas do sujeito desde seu lugar de vítima e sua relação com o Estado.

The world is passing through the unprecedented crisis of COVID 19 pandemic. A large section of the global population has been living under mandatory mass quarantine, the lockdown, as a strategy towards slowing down the expansion of the pandemic. This lockdown is being eased out across world in a phase wise manner. India being one of the most populous countries is hardest hit by the pandemic and soon the number of positive cases is likely to touch one million mark. One of the most significant phenomenons observed during the Indian lockdown, has emerged as the long march of migrant workers from cities to their native places. Bihar, one of the Indian provinces is the major provider of migrant labourers for Indian agriculture and the industry sectors. As depicted on social media and television, the plight of migrants was disturbing and exposed modern Indian democracy's vulnerabilities. Many of them had to walk on foot for thousands of kilometers, with their hungry families, from the industrial cities to their native places. Nothing has changed for the migrant workers through the past three centuries, including the first century of postcolonial India. Why are they called migrant workers? Are they not citizens of India? How come being Bihari—a native of Bihar province, one of the primary sources of migrant workers in India, become a stigma? So how did the historical symbol of the most significant accomplishments of Indian history, literature, science, and culture come to be identified with poor migrant workers' image? Bihar's underdevelopment is often blamed on corrupt local politicians and caste politics. However, the history of migrant workers from Bihar and eastern Uttar Pradesh states of India is worth a closer attention for possible solutions. The phenomenon has a historical linkage with the fall of once upon a time the great Indian civilization; centuries of occupation, colonization, slavery, and indentured servitude. India has made steady progress in economic terms since 1947, India's independence from the ...

The article is based on research and training processes that problematized the territory, diversity, interculturality, and education with the aim to share analysis points on the tension among development as a device of global government, as an instrument of colonialism of beings and knowledge, as a cognitive horizon for social control and for reproducing the accumulation and expropriation regime prevailing at a global level. Such regime used various devices to prevent the advance of progressive forces who oppose extractivism in the region, such as the application of the criminal law of the enemy, no longer as an exception but as a global design. Contrary to this unhealthy regime, progress is being made in ways of life other than the Western capitalism in various parts of the world and especially in our Latin America. These new ways are socio- and bio-centric and are characterized as relational ontologies for the benefit of territories, communities, and peace. Thus, opposing the predation of nature, a material basis for the well-being of a minority, who reproduce social asymmetries and injustices. ; El artículo se construyó a partir de investigaciones y procesos formativos que han problematizado el territorio, la diversidad, la interculturalidad y la educación con el propósito de compartir puntos de análisis sobre la tensión entre construcciones relativas al desarrollo como dispositivo de Gobierno global, como instrumento de la colonialidad del ser y del saber y, como horizonte cognitivo para el control social y para la reproducción del régimen de acumulación y expropiación imperante a nivel planetario. Este modelo se ha servido de diversos dispositivos para impedir el avance de fuerzas progresistas contrarias a la lógica extractivista en la región como, por ejemplo, la aplicación del derecho penal del enemigo ya no como excepción sino como diseño global. En oposición a ese régimen malsano, en varias partes del mundo –y en especial en nuestra América Latina– se avanza en formas otras de vida diferentes a la ...

This article engages with and aims to advance the debate about Decolonizing geography, examining its approach to knowledge and its implications for the discipline. Decolonizers draw heavily upon social constructivist and historically-rooted notions of knowledge which emphasize its embeddedness in power relations. While shedding light on the social and political conditions under which knowledge is produced is valuable, its context-dependent view of knowledge limits its scope to account for disciplinary knowledge. Taking a particularistic epistemology which conflates knowledge with experience is insufficient to explain the historical evolution of theoretical and disciplinary frameworks. Denying the potential for and even the desirability of context-independent (theoretical) knowledge Decolonizing geography can be read as post-disciplinary and post-universal, potentially denying that geography can offer all students, regardless of their background, access to powerful knowledge and insights. Here, social realism is proposed as an alternative approach to knowledge which accounts for both the social context of knowledge production and its distinctive epistemic qualities. An epistemological framework for geography is examined which demonstrates the relationship between propositional (conceptual), contextual and procedural knowledge, and why all three are essential for the student of geography.

The end of the colonial era has demonstrated the lack of preparation for independence of the African nations by the withdrawing colonial powers. Most African countries inherited insufficient administrative & economic infrastructures, borders that made little economic sense, & small markets. As a result, they were vulnerable at independence to fluctuating world prices & other conditions which made economic planning almost impossible. The economies of African states are governed by forces largely out of their control, & growth has not brought development for many states because of unequal distribution. There is industrial potential, & manufacturing is growing, though it is limited by low purchasing power. With the oil crisis, a few African states may soon achieve parity with industrialized states in living standards. Even so, production of resources does not insure equal distribution. Multinationals also weaken some African states by making them dependent. African states must gain a sense of shared investment in the world economy, & throw off the domination--both political & economic--of industrialized states. Modified HA.

Buai! Shout! Singing, dancing, knowing in times of decolonization New Caledonia - Kanaky has been experiencing a long process of independence since the 1970s, process which accelerated during the years 1984-88. The political leaders of this independence movement, as well as the various cultural actors (singers, dancers, sculptors, etc.), have always defined this political gesture as a process of reconnecting with their own culture and always associated it with a strong openness, encouraging local artistic and scientific creations. How did this cultural sovereignty take shape between 1984 and 1988? The description of the work of the Office Culturel Scientifique et Technique Canaque, as well as the description of different cultural objects and events, and in particular of sensitive forms of transmission, seems to reveal that the family-oriented exchanges are one of the fundamental elements of this historical period. ; Buai! Gridate! Cantare, danzare, conoscere in tempi di decolonizzazione La Kanaky - Nuova Caledonia è impegnata in un lungo processo di indipendenza che ha conosciuto una forte accelerazione durante gli anni 1984-1988. I dirigenti politici di questo movimento indipendentista, così come i diversi attori culturali (cantanti, ballerini, scultori, etc.), hanno considerato tale gesto politico come un processo di riavvicinamento alla propria cultura e lo hanno sempre associato a una forte apertura, incentivando le creazioni artistiche e scientifiche locali. In che modo tale sovranità culturale si è allora costruita, tra il 1984 e il 1988, soprattutto attraverso il lavoro dell'Office Culturel, Scientifique etTechnique Canaque? La descrizione di differenti eventi ed elementi culturali, e in particolare delle forme sensibili di trasmissione, sembra rivelarci che la condivisione in contesti familiari rappresenta uno degli elementi essenziali in questo momento storico.

Based upon a critical reading of the civil war that left a profound mark in Mozambique (1976-1992), this article intends to contribute to present-day debates over the importance of peace studies in state building, addressing the cultural resistances that frequently go undetected. At the same time, this article —rooted in the political and epistemological proposal of Boaventura de Sousa Santos' abyssal thinking (2018)— aims to theorize the political events that permeate this conflict, transcending the (pre)dominant interpretations of the global North. In this sense, this study —from a concise analysis of the geopolitical complexity of the civil war— addresses inherent resistance, prioritizes local voices and explanations, and thus expands the analysis of the root causes of the conflict. Additionally, and stemming out of the epistemologies of the South, it aims to expose situations of cognitive injustice in "international" readings of this war, while —from a contextual reading of wars within the Mozambican civil war— it presents clues for a methodological approach that paves the way for a deep decolonization of security and peace studies.

El artículo recupera las reflexiones de la perspectiva decolonial, especialmente conceptualizaciones que Rita Segato (2013) realiza en torno a la noción de 'Colonialidad del Poder', concepto originalmente acuñado por el sociólogo peruano Aníbal Quijano. Me propongo abordar las políticas habitacionales orientadas a las comunidades rurales campesinas del noroeste cordobés, valiéndome de los ejes argumentales que Segato define para organizar su crítica al orden colonial. El supuesto que guía el trabajo consiste en señalar - críticamente- la matriz colonial que subyace en las intervenciones territoriales en comunidades rurales campesinas, produciendo efectos de afirmación de la exclusión por medio de políticas asistencialistas y pretendidamente compensatorias. ; The article recovers the reflections from the decolonial perspective, especially conceptualizationsthat Rita Segato (2013) makes around the notion of 'coloniality of power', a concept originally coined by the Peruvian sociologist Aníbal Quijano. I intend to address housing policies aimed at rural peasant communities in the provincial northwest, promoted by the Government of the Province of Córdoba (Argentina). Specifically, will analyze the Plan de Sustitución de Viviendas Precarias y Erradicación del Mal de Chagas (Plan for the Substitution of PrecariousHousing and the Eradication of Chagas Disease), which is part of the Programa de Desarrollo del Noroeste Cordobés (Northwest Cordovan Development Program). For this analysis, I will use the argumental axes that Segato defines to organize his critique of the colonial order. The assumption that guides the work consists in pointing out -critically- the colonial matrix that underlies the territorial interventions in rural communities, producing effects of affirmation of exclusion through welfare and purportedly compensatory policies.