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ABSTRACT This paper argues that the state and the market are the main institutions regulating capitalism, and, correspondingly, that the form of the economic and political coordination of capitalism will be either developmental or liberal. It defines the developmental state, relates it to the formation of a developmental class coalition, and notes that capitalism was born developmental in its mercantilist phase, turned liberal in the nineteenth century, and, after 1929, became once again developmental, but, now, democratic and progressive. All industrial and capitalist revolutions took place within the framework of developmentalism, whereby the state coordinates the non-competitive sector of the economy and the five macroeconomic prices (which the market is unable to make "right"), while the market coordinates the competitive sector. In the 1970s, a crisis opened the way for a short-lived and reactionary form of capitalism, neoliberalism or rentier-financier capitalism. Since the 2008 Global Financial Crisis, the neoliberal hegemony has come to an end, and we are now experiencing a period of transition.

Given the neoliberal agenda implemented by Paulo Guedes's Ministry of the Economy, the Bolsonaro government's nationalist stance has prompted academic debates over its rationales. Once the populist and conservative foundations of that nationalism are understood, however, there is no contradiction between it and Bolsonaro's economic policy. La agenda neoliberal implementada por el Ministerio de Economía de Paulo Guedes aparentemente cuestiona la postura nacionalista del gobierno de Bolsonaro y ha provocado debates académicos en torno a sus razones fundamentales. Sin embargo, una vez que se entienden las razones populistas y el conservatismo detrás de dicho nacionalismo, no hay contradicción entre estas y la política económica de Bolsonaro.

The article asks which human qualities can serve as the base for a liberal economic policy. The author is looking for an answer to this question in the classical works of economic liberalism - in the books by F. Bastiat, L. von Mises, F. von Hayek, W. Eucken, and M. Friedman. The two main qualities can be summarized as follows: the relatively high rank of freedom among human values and rational utilitarian calculus. It is assumed that in those countries where the both human prerequisites are present the liberal policy (for instance, liberal reforms) can be self-supportive and may have good results. On the contrary, if the first prerequisite is missing and a liberal policy can be based only on rational calculus, the "paternalistic" liberalism prevails and chances for success are much smaller.

The Howard era saw a further accumulation of power in Canberra and continued the marginalisation of the States. This essay locates John Howard within Liberal Party tradition and examines the way in which his own values shaped his approach to federalism. Howard identified himself as an economic liberal and as a social conservative (although he might be better thought of as a social liberal.) His commitment to small government and a single market unimpeded by state borders together with his lack of sympathy with regional identity had important consequences for the evolution of the Australian federation after 1996.

The failure of many African regimes since independence to materially advance the quality of life and freedoms of their citizens has created a paradigm shift in development policy. Emphasizing the real capacity for autonomous choice among national and local elites, there is an ever-increasing recognition of the linkage between the use of free market mechanisms to promote national well-being and the provision of a democratic government. Data suggest that democratic and/or market driven states have fared better in Africa than those which embraced more controlled political and economic regimes.