After the fall of the communist regime, Romania chose to adopt a very inclusive electoral system, namely PR with low threshold and a guaranteed representation of minorities. Since then, the story of the Romanian electoral system is the story of a movement to make the electoral law less inclusive. Legal thresholds have been introduced and raised, and proposals to shift to a majoritarian system are gaining ground among Romanian politicians. In this article, the main motivations pushing for a less inclusive electoral law are examined. It appears that the largest Romanian parties hope the reform will strengthen their political representation. Yet, by proposing a less inclusive electoral law, they are playing a risky game in a political system still marked by high electoral volatility. Furthermore, the dominant model of democracy that guides the choice of electoral rules has evolved. The new model of democracy gives a reduced role to parties and a bigger role to individual politicians. Finally, the memory of the democratic interwar period is losing influence among the Romanian political elite. Consequently, the proportional representation (PR) system in use during this period is losing its attractiveness. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/published
La gobernanza electoral debe ser entendida por la forma de gobierno, es decir, la composición directiva, las reglas y los procedimientos internos, así como el proceso de decisión del órgano electoral, sus efectos, y el rendimiento de los organismos de la administración vinculados con el proceso electoral propiamente dicho.2 Este análisis tiene como propósito efectuar una descripción sobre la evolución de la gobernanza electoral hondureña y las condiciones en las que enfrentará las elecciones generales del 28 de noviembre de 2021; el concepto de gobernanza electoral se desarrolla cuatro etapas: legislación, práctica, legitimación y control.
This paper will deal with electoral justice in Kosovo with special focus on Kosovo in a special focus will be realization of the right to vote in the appeals process; sanctions and penalties of electoral fraud during the electoral process in local and national elections. The goal of this research is finding answers in questions like: What is the election justice? What legal sanctions are foreseen for every electoral crime? What are the actions that natural or legal person can undertake when claiming that their electoral rights have been violated? Which institution is competent to provide electoral justice? What are the ways to restore electoral justice? This research will deal with: analysis of the legal framework that guarantees a fair election process, relation of the competent institutions in order to establish fair election process, dealing with cases of fraud in the election and complaint process with the Election Complaints and Appeals Panel and penalties from prosecution and courts for electoral crimes during the election process in local and national elections. Achieving a political consensus for a legal and institutional reform in Kosovo would reduce (prevent) the possibilities for abuse during the electoral process. Increased confidence and building institutional capacities to ensure justice every time when allegedly the right for vote has been violated represents security for citizens and guarantee for institutional stability. Security in the implementation of the right to vote and the correct reading of the will of the people will have impact on their participation in elections and fulfilment of internationally accepted standards for democratic elections and electoral processes in Kosovo.
AbstractThis article develops a theory to account for the variation in electoral systems in electoral authoritarian regimes. We argue that resource-rich dictators are incentivized to employ proportional representation systems to alleviate the threat from the masses and pre-empt the emergence of new opposition, while resource-poor dictators tend to choose majoritarian systems to co-opt ruling elites in the legislature. Using cross-national data on electoral authoritarian regimes, we find strong empirical evidence supporting our theory. We also explicitly illustrate the causal links between natural resources and electoral systems with additional statistical analyses and comparative case studies on Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan.
One of the most concerned and dysfunctional issues in our political system, is political transfugism, andalso the response given to this phenomenon.Turncoating creates social alarm, skillfully promoted by parties to justify the increase of control'smechanisms to repress any dissent. In this point is necessary to ponder. Not all dissidents should beconsidered turncoats if their decissions do not cause a direct impact on government action.Recently, electoral coalitions has been increases, with scant regulation in terms of their legal regime and operation. Transfugism is also present in this coalitions, and it has there differents characteristic and profiles.That's why the Anti-Transfugism Pact focus their attention on this problem, demanding regulatory reforms.In this paper we carry out a reflection on the concept of turncoat, exposing the agreements and pacts that political parties have reached to combat these behaviors. We also remarks the normative changes in which the agreements have been embodied.After exposing the legal regime of the electoral coalitions, we expose how the transfugism is reflectedin them and what their singularities are. We end with a reflection on the need to assess the concept ofturncoat, differentiating it from simple punctual dissidence, and the need to strengthen control mechanisms over party decisions to avoid their arbitrary use of the power to expel the member. ; Una de las cuestiones que más está preocupando en nuestro sistema político, por las disfunciones que genera, es la relativa a la respuesta que se dé al fenómeno del transfuguismo político, sobre todo en el ámbito local.Los supuestos de transfuguismo han creado en ocasiones alarma social, hábilmente potenciada también por los partidos políticos para justificar el incremento de los mecanismos de control sobre los representantes electos para reprimir cualquier disidencia, pero es necesario ponderar, ya que todo disidente no debería ser considerado tránsfuga si su actuación no provoca una incidencia directa sobre la acción de gobierno.En los últimos años se ha producido un incremento de la formación de coaliciones electorales como sujetospolíticos habilitados para presentar candidaturas, con una parca regulación en cuanto a su régimen jurídico y funcionamiento. El fenómeno del transfuguismo también está presente en el seno de las coaliciones electorales con unos perfiles característicos y diferenciadores, lo que ha llevado a los partidos firmantes del PactoAntitransfugismo a poner su foco de atención sobre este problema exigiendo reformas normativas.En el presente trabajo realizamos una reflexión sobre el concepto de tránsfuga, exponiendo los distintosacuerdos y pactos que han alcanzado los partidos políticos para combatir estas conductas y los cambios normativos en los que se han plasmado los acuerdos. Tras exponer el régimen jurídico de las coaliciones electorales exponemos cómo se refleja en las mismas el transfuguismo y cuáles son sus singularidades.Terminamos con una reflexión sobre la necesidad de aquilatar el concepto de tránsfuga, diferenciándolo de la simple disidencia puntual, y la necesidad de reforzar los mecanismos de control sobre las decisiones de los partidos para evitar un uso arbitrario de la facultad de expulsión del afiliado.
The French electoral system, which concerns «political» elections, is marked by several fundamental features. The most remarkable is undoubtedly the presidential election, which is THE electoral moment in France and which conditions the life of the political regime of the Fifth Republic. Beyond that, respect for equal suffrage, the links with nationality and the exercise of legislative power to define the voting methods of the various elections are the highlights of electoral matters. It is also important to take into account the reforms that have been carried out in this area, with regard to the objective of electoral parity or the reconfiguration of parliamentary elections, which is currently being reflected in a draft constitutional law and a draft organic law designed to promote the renewal of democratic life and the moralization of public life. ; El sistema electoral francés, que se refiere a las elecciones «políticas», tiene varias características fundamentales. La más destacada es sin duda la elección presidencial, que es EL momento electoral en Francia y que condiciona la vida del régimen político de la Quinta República. Además, el respeto de la igualdad de sufragio, los vínculos con la nacionalidad y la competencia legislativa para regular los métodos de votación de las distintas elecciones son los aspectos más destacados en materia electoral. También es importante tener en cuenta las reformas a las que ha sido sometido, en relación con el objetivo de la paridad electoral o la reconfiguración de las elecciones parlamentarias, que actualmente se está reflejando en un proyecto de ley constitucional y una ley orgánica destinada a promover la renovación de la vida democrática y la moralización de la vida pública.The French electoral system, which concerns «political» elections, is marked by several fundamental features. The most remarkable is undoubtedly the presidential election, which is THE electoral moment in France and which conditions the life of the political regime of the Fifth Republic. Beyond that, respect for equal suffrage, the links with nationality and the exercise of legislative power to define the voting methods of the various elections are the highlights of electoral matters. It is also important to take into account the reforms that have been carried out in this area, with regard to the objective of electoral parity or the reconfiguration of parliamentary elections, which is currently being reflected in a draft constitutional law and a draft organic law designed to promote the renewal of democratic life and the moralization of public life.
Over the past decade, the mixed system became the fastest growing variety of electoral systems used in elections for national legislatures. Opinions about the reasons for the popularity of mixed systems in the research literature still vary. There are no cross-national studies in political science that would link the use of a mixed independent electoral system with the consolidation of an authoritarian order. Under authoritarianism, elections perform three functions: imitation, control and signaling. These functions set the structure of incentives for choosing an electoral formula. The purpose of my study is to determine the structure of incentives for the employment of mixed independent electoral systems under conditions of electoral authoritarianism. One of the main results of the study is that, in comparison with democracies, mixed independent electoral systems are more often used in authoritarian regimes. This is due to the fact that mixed independent electoral system provides an opportunity to effectively realize the imitation, control and signaling functions of elections under electoral authoritarianism.
En el año 2010 salió a la luz la primera edición en disco compacto Digesto Constitucional Mexicano. (Aguascalientes), de la autoría de Manuel González Oropeza y David Cienfuegos Salgado, editado por la Suprema Corte de Justicia de la Nación. Y a partir de este primer número, han salido otros discos dedicados a cada uno de los Estados. En esta obra se reúne la historia constitucional y legislativa de cada entidad federativa, en donde se incluye su primera constitución y también los debates de las distintas constituciones promulgadas a lo largo de su historia, se da cuenta de las reformas constitucionales y de los integrantes de los tres poderes del estado, para ofrecer al lector una visión cronológica y temática del desarrollo constitucional de cada Estado, con el único objetivo de divulgar su evolución constitucional como integrantes del federalismo mexicano surgido en el siglo XIX. En esta colección se aprecia la uniformidad de instituciones constitucionales de las entidades federativas mexicanas, pero a la vez las diferencias en su implementación y concepción, según sus propias características.
Hoy en día los sistemas democráticos se sustentan en los partidos políticos, por lo que una democracia estable requiere de partidos políticos fuertes y consolidados. Y si bien los sistemas de pluralidad/mayoría tienden a lograr sistemas con un número de partidos políticos reducido y por ende más fuertes, que el sistema proporcional que al dispersar los votos parecería tender a la fragmentación de partidos, los sistemas proporcionales tienden a solucionar este problema mediante la introducción de un mínimo de votos para poder participar en la distribución de las bancas.
Although there have been many analyses of the phenomenon of 'manufactured majorities,' ie, those where a party wins a majority of seats on a minority of the popular vote, there has been much less analysis of situations where this party in fact comes in second in the popular vote. This article analyzes such 'spurious majorities' by assessing all such outcomes in democratic parliamentary elections. Spurious majorities have essentially been a phenomenon of Commonwealth elections, especially in Australian states & to a lesser extent Canadian provinces. Spurious majorities tend to occur in two-&-a-half-party systems with relatively close vote totals between the two main parties, in elections that do not use party list proportional representation. They arise from both malapportionment & 'the equivalent of gerrymandering.' Despite their unfairness, spurious majorities have rarely led to substantive electoral system change. 1 Table, 1 Figure. Adapted from the source document.
