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I argue that resistance violence is physical force carried out by members of politically vulnerable groups. It is not reducible to self-defense because it does not always involve protecting the life of the actor but, instead, is an expression of establishing one's dignity and humanity. Applied to women as a vulnerable class in the face of sexual violence, this article looks at a case study of an enslaved teenager named Celia who killed her owner in order to end his sexual abuse. Various philosophies of epistemic injustices (including Fricker, Pohlhaus, Medina, Dotson, Mills, and Card) establish that socially/politically dominant groups help create a context in which compartmentalization, active ignorance, and inconsistencies contribute to the conditions in which marginalized groups reside in spaces of little to no protection from the state. As such, resistance violence emerges as a legitimate option. Selective epistemic attention that fails to contextualize resistance violence supports unjust systems.

Epistemic injustices are the distinctly epistemic harms and wrongs which undermine or depreciate our capacities knowers. This dissertation develops a theory of epistemic injustice and justice which accounts for excesses in epistemic goods as a source of epistemic injustice. This is a theory of epistemic overload as epistemic injustice. The dissertation can be divided into three parts: 1) motivational, 2) theoretical, 3) applications and implications. First, Chapters 1 and 2 motivate the study of epistemic injustice and epistemic overload. Chapter 1 identifies a gap in the literature on epistemic injustice concerning excesses in epistemic goods as sources of epistemic injustice while canvassing the major themes and debates of the field. Chapter 2 levels an objection to proper epistemology, thereby providing an indirect defense of the study of epistemic injustice. Second, theoretical development occurs in are Chapters 3, 4, 5, 6. Chapter 3 initiates the argument for epistemic overload, while Chapter 4 extends the case for epistemic overload, identifying several epistemic injustices arising from excesses of understanding, credibility, and truth. Chapter 5 explains the oversights of prior theorists by developing a more descriptively adequate account of social epistemics that explains the many sites of epistemic injustice. Chapter 6 develops a two-stage contractualist theory of epistemic in/justice to explain the bad-making features of epistemic injustices and generates the duty of epistemic charity. The third part of the dissertation applies the findings of earlier chapters to contemporary practical and theoretical problems. Chapter 7 employs the contractualist reasoning of Chapter 6 to address and ameliorate problems from excesses in the uptake and circulation of hermeneutical resources and true-beliefs. Chapter 8 considers the mutual dependence relations between political phenomena and epistemic in/justice, showing that accounts of political justice depend upon or presuppose epistemic justice. Finally, Chapter 9 applies epistemic overload to the use of big data technologies in the context of predive policing algorithms. An abductive argument concludes that the introduction of the Strategic Subjects List as part of a Chicago policing initiative in 2013 introduced understandings which likely contributed to gun-violence in Chicago and which constitutes an epistemic overload. In sum, the dissertation shows the theoretical and practical significance of epistemic overload as epistemic injustice. ; Ph. D.

In this article we will problematise the archive as a place of intersection of epistemological and juridico-political matrices, and show how it has characterised European modernity and its project of colonial expansion into non-European worlds. Initially, the focus will be on how the archive relates to the processes of knowledge extraction and recording to enable certain forms of government. On this background, we will then problematise the colonial archive in its specificity, analysing its relationship with the forms of epistemic violence that are interwoven within it from two different perspectives: the first is that the colonial archive in itself remains inaccessible through a gesture of silence that nevertheless has considerable effects on the status of the archive itself. The second focuses on the ways in which colonial archives constantly display an anguish about the lack of correspondence between the plans of colonial governmentality and its conceptual achievements, and the turmoil that this causes in relation to any attempt to establish racial and sexual identity. ; Dans cet article il sera question de problématiser l'archive comme lieu d'intersection de matrices épistémologiques et de matrices juridico-politiques, et de montrer la manière dont il a caractérisé la modernité européenne et son projet d'expansion coloniale dans des mondes extra-européens. En un premier temps on se focalisera sur la manière dont l'archive se lie aux processus d'extraction et enregistrement des savoirs pour permettre certaines formes de gouvernement. Sur cet arrière-plan, ensuite, on problématisera l'archive coloniale prise dans son spécificité, en analysant ses rapports avec les formes de violence épistémique qui y sont entremêlées à partir deux perspectives différentes : la première porte sur ce que dans les archives coloniales demeure en soi inaccessible par un geste de mise sous silence qui néanmoins produit des effets considérables sur le statut des archives elles-mêmes. La seconde se concentre sur les manières dont les ...

Epistemic compassion can help to heal world politics. It mitigates almost six centuries of Eurocentric 'epistemic violence' and 'epistemicide' with a trialectical epistemology that bridges even seemingly irreconcilable opposites. Buddhists call this process Interbeing. I draw on Daoist yin/yang dynamics for epistemology and the ancient Silk Roads as an exemplar. Subsequently, I apply this analysis to a watershed development in our contemporary political economy: China's 'Belt and Road Initiative' (BRI). A $1 trillion investment scheme to link China with Europe and Russia through Central Asia, Africa, and the Indian Ocean, the BRI provokes charges of reproducing Europe's 19th-century's Great Game on a 21st-century scale. A trialectical epistemology offers another mode and model of global interaction for the BRI. It highlights the possibility of local agency and global responsibility for the BRI. I ask: Can epistemic compassion turn this 5.0 version of Asian Capitalism into a 2.0 version of the Silk Road Ethos? The potential exists, I argue.

Cover; Half Title; Title; Copyright; CONTENTS; List of contributors; Preface; PART I Introduction; Situating India: challenges and propositions; Researching gender-based violence in India: issues, concepts, approaches; PART II Historical encounters and cultures of violence; 1 Of devotional zeal and patriarchal norms: gender and violence in the Periya Purāṇam; 2 Silenced women, speaking men: locating gendered epistemic violence in nineteenth century German representations of India

Digital space has provided an important platform for women by enabling them to defy religious and patriarchal values while rendering their demands more visible in the public sphere. By analyzing the stories of 3349 murdered women, consulting 57 activist-published materials, studying 37 protest-focused videos, and using digital ethnography, this article explores Turkish women's struggles against femicide. I propose the emancipatory and democratizing counterpublics as an analytical concept to demonstrate how women challenge epistemic injustice and male violence. To this end, I investigate the struggles of women by studying their use of digital space as a means of breaking the silence on femicide, creating data, disseminating knowledge, and seeking justice. This article highlights the essential role of new media technologies in empowering vulnerable groups through the generation of new forms of knowledge, the formation of collective memory, and the elimination of epistemic injustice in opposition to the ruling authorities. The present study contributes to our knowledge of the sociology of epistemic injustice by demonstrating how digital space plays a limited but critical role in the efforts of activists living under authoritarian regimes to defend their fundamental rights to survive and prevent femicide, which has a devastating impact on the lives of millions of women.

Classrooms are unlevel knowing fields, contested terrains where knowledge and ignorance are produced and circulate with equal vigor, and where members of dominant groups are accustomed to having an epistemic home‐terrain advantage. My project focuses on one form of resistance that regularly surfaces in discussions with social‐justice content. Privilege‐preserving epistemic pushback is a variety of willful ignorance that many members of dominant groups engage in when asked to consider both the lived and structural injustices that members of marginalized groups experience daily. I argue that this dominant form of resistance is neither an expression of skepticism nor a critical‐thinking practice. I suggest that standard philosophical engagements with these expressions of resistance are incapable of tracking the harms of privilege‐preserving epistemic pushback. I recommend treating this pushback as a "shadow text," that is, as a text that runs alongside the readings in ways that offer no epistemic friction. I offer this as one critical philosophical practice for making students mindful of the ways they contribute to the circulation of ignorance and epistemic violence during the course of their discussions.

Investigating violence in language: An introduction / Daniel Silva -- The language of violence: Conflict, policing, frontiers. The invention of violence / Renzo Taddei -- Voice and silence in the suburbs of São Paulo: State, community and the meanings of violence / Ana Paula Galdeano -- From the side of the road to the borders of the page: mapping the legibility of people and words at the margins / Ruth Goldstein -- The violence of language: Hate speech, speech act, injuries. The circulation of violence in discourse / Daniel Silva -- Racist speech as a linguistic discriminatory practice in Brazil: between the speech act's reference and effects / Karla Cristina dos Santos Allen -- Free speech, hate speech, and hate beards: Language ideologies of Dutch populism / Michiel Leezenberg -- The intersections of violence, bodies and languages: Epistemology, narrative, corporealities. On languages, bodies and epistemic violence / Joana Plaza Pinto -- Queering violence and narrative: Voices from a marginalized community / Elizabeth Sara Lewis and Liliana Cabral Bastos -- Discursive constructions of deviance in the narratives of a prison inmate / Liana Biar

Ableist necropolitics can be seen no more starkly than in news portrayals of the murders of disabled people by family or caregivers. When such murders are reported in the news, disabled people as full subjects fade away, portrayed as objects of care and suffering; their murders are routinely presented as an understandable if tragic response by 'overwhelmed' carers. This article examines Australian news reporting on four cases of family murder–suicide involving disabled victims to explore news framings of violence as violence. We situate these representations within a spectrum of connected and overlapping ableist violence and conceptualise the harms they can produce and sanction. We argue that news portrayals of homicides involving disabled victims not only are frequently ableist and legitimising but also constitute a form of ableist epistemic violence that scaffolds ontological, structural and direct violence against disabled people.

Black Lives Matter has emerged within the last five years as a significant movement for social change. Serving as an ideological and political intervention, Black Lives Matter organizes to protect and advocate for Black lives and Black communities. This article will outline Black Lives Matter as a movement and how it is a form of resistance as against systemic anti-Black violence. Centuries of Black resistance against epistemic, structural/policy, and physical violence is the historical context of Black Lives Matter. Two prominent aspects of the movement intersectionality and decentralized leadership. The implications for resistance are that BLM is a new form of activism and social movement and there is a need for properly documenting resistance in the moment to inform future movements and to prevent future epistemic violence.