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The article is devoted to the history of reception and interpretation of the ideas of Marx and Engels. The author considers the reasons for divergence between Marxist and neoclassical economic theories. He also analyzes the ways of vulgarization of Marx's theory and the making of Marxist voluntarism. It is shown that the works of Marx and Engels had a certain potential for their over-simplified interpretations. The article also considers academic ("Western") Marxism and evaluates the prospects of Marxist theory in the future.

Although it is natural to consider the development of the comparative approach known as Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA) as the most obvious source of theories of foreign policy behaviour, it is important to remember that all perspectives on the subject of international relations contain statements about foreign policy. Historically this has been the case because virtually all approaches to the study of international relations took the state to be the central actor. Thus, approaches as diverse as those concentrating on political economy, international society and Marxism have all included a notion of what the state is and how its foreign policy results, regardless of the way in which policy might be defined. Theories of foreign policy are therefore intrinsic to theories of international relations, even for those who deny the centrality of the state as an actor in international society.

In contrast with the study of pre-colonial societies characterised by well- established traditions, the writing on contemporary Africa seems to be in the stage of infancy. Thus it has largely avoided assessing the performance of 'revolutionary'leaders in an objective manner, and has often exhibited paternalism, idolisation, or dogmatism. If the study of modern history and politics aims at what actuallyis, rather than at what might be or ought to be, a more balanced view of political mobilisation and performance should result. An attempt will be made from this perspective realistically to appraise Guinea under theParti démocratique de Guinéein terms of its internal consistency.

De 1886 à 2012, les aspects dominants du nationalisme catalan ont été (1) un consensus commun de l'éclectisme nationaliste, habituellement désigné sous le terme de « Catalanisme » ; (2) la primauté des politiques électorales durant cette période et (3) le fait que les partis électoraux, utilisant l'ambigüité du « Catalanisme » durent opérer au côté de nationalistes affichés, ouvertement hostiles à l'État espagnol et désireux de recourir à la force, du moins en théorie. Bien que les paramilitaires n'eussent jamais disposé de suffisamment de poids pour agir en termes électoraux, leur capacité à influer sur l'idéologie a été importante. Depuis 2012, cependant, l'expression ouverte de sympathies pro-indépendantistes est ostensiblement devenue un sentiment majoritaire dans la société catalane ce qui opère genère un boulversement et une nouvelle orientation en direction de manifestations politiques de rues, orientées ou dirigées par des plateformes de type « assemblée » peu structurés.

From 1886 to 2012, the dominant trends of Catalan nationalism have been (1) a common consensus of nationalist eclecticism, usually termed 'Catalanism'; (2) the primacy of electoral politics during this time period; and (3) the fact that electoral parties, using the ambiguity of 'Catalanism', had to operate side by side with non-ambiguous nationalists, explicit in their objective of subversion to a Spanish State, and willing to use force, at least in theory. Although the paramilitaries never had the social weight to act in electoral terms, their capacity to pressure through ideology was significant Since 2012, however, the open expression of pro-independence sympathies ostensibly became a majority sentiment in Catalan society, creating an upset, and a new trend towards mass street politics, oriented or managed by loose 'assembly'-type platforms. Adapted from the source document.

Law publishing — that is, the reproduction and dissemination of statutes, judicial decisions, commentaries, legal forms and texts — is as old as writing and can be found in all literate societies. In the ancient world, written law was essential to political and social relations. That can be seen from the importance given to law codes in the Semitic, Greek and Roman societies. Over the centuries and in every medium from stone and clay, papyrus and parchment, to paper and the electronic media of our day — law has been a major component of literature. The very fact of publication is an essential requirement for the enactment and efficacy of laws in many societies. Publication of law was widespread before the invention of printing and was achieved by reproducing important texts in multiple manuscript copies which could then be disseminated to libraries, officials and others who needed them and could afford them. The printing of law depended not only on the invention of the press itself, but also on the acceptance of what more accessible law might mean to society. In England, for example this was a matter of considerable controversy for over a hundred years.

In the decade of the 1970s the Arab world, its resources swelled by surplus oil profits, looked to the Sudan to become the area's granary. Arab leaders knew that the country possessed abundant arable and pasture land, thought to be capable of supplying 40 per cent of the grain requirements of the region, and substantial fish and red meat supplies. They saw Sudanese development as leading to regional food self-sufficiency. In this vision of economic transformation they expected the Sudanese private sector to work in combination with Arab oil money and western technology.