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Peer reviewed ; [EN] This paper proposes a reflection on the present of Persona y democracia and its possible contribution to a critique of democratic reason. Three essential issues are considered: firstly, an elucidation of the concept of person or soul, as the heart of the political subject. Secondly, the tension and, indeed, contradiction between temporality as the intimate and plural dimension of the person, and history as its reductive and insufficient materialisation. Finally, an analysis of absolutism as the underlying structure of totalitarian ways of life. ; [ES] Se plantea una reflexión sobre la actualidad de Persona y democracia y su posible contribución a una crítica de la razón democrática. Para ello, se tienen en cuenta tres cuestiones fundamentales: en primer lugar, una elucidación del concepto de persona o de alma como núcleo profundo del sujeto político; en segundo lugar, la tensión e incluso contradicción entre la temporalidad como dimensión íntima y plural de la persona, y la historia como su plasmación reductora e insuficiente; finalmente, un análisis del absolutismo como estrato profundo de las formas de vida totalitarias.

My review of Ingrao and Sardoni's book paper focuses on its Part II, entitled "From the Neoclassical Synthesis to New Keynesian Economics." My criticisms amount to three. First, I disagree with Ingrao and Sardoni's account of the twists and turns that have occurred in modern macroeconomics. Often, where they see continuity, I see cleavage; where they see cleavage, I see continuity. Second, I put forward that the result of the 2008 recession is that DSGE economists were led to zero in on the hitherto neglected issue of the workings of the financial sector and its integration in their models. Hence, Ingrao and Sardoni's conclusion of failure must be revised. Third, I want to bring out that the internal history of economics can be written in two ways: the approach can be partisan or steer clear of the fray. As I am in favor of the latter, I regret that Ingrao and Sardoni have adopted the former.

Summary: The short history of research into Universal Basic Income (IBU) has had a peak of interest in recent years. This is evidenced by the fact that in 2017 two of the most important publications on the topic in the last decade came to light: Basic Income: A Radical Proposal for a Free Society and a Sound Economy of Philosophers Philippe van Parijs and Yannick Vanderborght and Basic Income: And How We Can Make It Happen from economist Guy Standing. This trial explores and commands the information contained in these two books on the basis of their similarities and differences, but also aims to indicate new research avenues based on them. The text is organised around four strands of reasoning and research: the history and conceptual clarification, ethical appetite, technical and economic feasibility and political feasibility of the IBU. ; Resumen: La corta historia de la investigación sobre el ingreso básico universal (IBU) ha tenido un pico de interés los últimos años. Prueba de esto es que en 2017 vieron la luz dos de las publicaciones más importantes de la última década sobre el tema: Basic Income: A Radical Proposal for a Free Society and a Sane Economy de los filósofos Philippe van Parijs y Yannick Vanderborght y Basic Income: And How We Can Make It Happen, del economista Guy Standing. Este ensayo explora y ordena la información que aparece en estos dos libros atendiendo a sus similitudes y diferencias, pero también pretende indicar nuevas vías de investigación a partir de ellos. El texto está organizado alrededor de cuatro ejes de argumentación e investigación: la historia y clarificación conceptual, la deseabilidad ética, la viabilidad técnica y económica y la factibilidad política del IBU.

In Bolivia, after 1920 and until the restoration of democracy in 1982, there are no major jobs attributable to the rationalist, democratic and liberal course; after 1982, new thinkers emerged, turning to liberal-democratic thinking, mentioning thinkers such as H.F. Mansilla, Jorge Lazarte, Roberto Laserna, Fernando Molina and René Mayorga among others. Illiberal democracy characterised Bolivian political and cultural history over a long period of the 20th century, also affecting Marxist thinking. The renaissance of Bolivian liberal, democratic and rational thinking in the last decades of the 20th century can be attributed to the decline of socialist models, the loss of prestige of philosophical systems with universal claims, and the considerable increase in the philosophical significance of the country's social sciences. ; En Bolivia, después de 1920 y hasta la restauración de la democracia en 1982, no se registran trabajos importantes atribuibles a la corriente racionalista, democrática y liberal; después de 1982, aparecen nuevos pensadores que van dando un giro al pensamiento liberal-democrático, mencionando a pensadores como H.F. Mansilla, Jorge Lazarte, Roberto Laserna, Fernando Molina y René Mayorga entre otros. La democracia antiliberal caracterizó la historia política y cultural boliviana durante un largo período del pasado siglo XX afectando también al pensamiento marxista. El renacimiento del pensamiento liberal, democrático y racionalista boliviano, en las últimas décadas del siglo XX puede ser atribuible a la declinación de los modelos socialistas, la pérdida de prestigio de los sistemas filosóficos con pretensiones universales, el considerable aumento de la significación filosófica de las Ciencias Sociales de este país.

The work addresses the political struggles for the memory of Malvinas, based on the operation of an entity bringing together ex-combatants of the South Atlantic Conflict (1982): the Centre of War Veterans 'Argentinian Malvinas' in Neuquén (Argentina). Specifically, the article traces the feelings that this entity gave to the Malvinas symbol (as a sovereign cause and war) from its foundation in 1997 to 2017, a fundamental climate of realignment in the movement of ex-combatants and on the Memorial map of Malvinas. This is therefore a contribution of a local key study — without neglecting dialogue with other national and local/regional levels — to the history of Falkland from a socio-cultural perspective of war and post-war conflict, an emerging construction approach in Argentina. To this end, the work is based on speeches given by the organisation's references in key commemorations, reconstructed from coverage by local media, by official publications of the city's government bodies, and, intermittently since 2012, by my own participating comment. It also relies on interviews conducted with the Centre's presidents by those same means, and on brochures provided by the institution for certain activities carried out. FIL: Rodríguez, Andrea Belén. National University of the Comahue. Patagonian Institute of Humanities and Social Sciences Studies; Argentina. FIL: Rodríguez, Andrea Belén. National Council for Scientific and Technical Research; Argentina. ; El trabajo aborda las luchas políticas por la memoria de Malvinas a partir del accionar de una entidad que agrupa a ex-combatientes del Conflicto del Atlántico Sur (1982): el Centro de Veteranos de Guerra "Malvinas Argentinas" de Neuquén (Argentina). Específicamente, el articulo historiza los sentidos que esta entidad otorgó al símbolo Malvinas (en tanto causa soberana y guerra) desde su fundación en 1997 hasta el 2017, coyuntura fundamental de realineamiento en el movimiento de ex-combatientes y en el mapa memorial de Malvinas. Se trata, por ende, de un aporte de un ...

Summary In the long history of Western music, whose direct background is often located in ancient Greece, the listener and listening has undergone multiple changes. Historical, social and political determinants, which go beyond the specific musical field, underlie the way to listen. However, musical conversions are indispensable in order to come closer to an understanding of the changes that occur in the listener and in the act of hearing a musical work. In this work, a number of questions guide the analysis and reflections. How do noise transformations occur in Modernism and how do they affect listening? What has been the place of music and the sound dimension for psychoanalysis (Freud and Lacan)? And what relationships can be established between such transformations and psychoanalysis? ; Resumen En la larga historia de la música occidental, cuyo antecedente directo se suele ubicar en la antigua Grecia, el oyente y la escucha han experimentado múltiples cambios. Determinantes históricos, sociales y políticos, que exceden el campo específicamente musical, subyacen al modo de escuchar. No obstante, las transformaciones musicales resultan ineludibles para aproximarse a una comprensión de los cambios que se producen en el oyente y en el acto de oír una obra musical. En este trabajo una serie de preguntas guían el análisis y las reflexiones. ¿De qué modo se producen las transformaciones sonoras en el Modernismo y cómo afectan la escucha? ¿Qué lugar ha tenido la música y la dimensión de lo sonoro para el psicoanálisis (Freud y Lacan)? Y, ¿qué relaciones se pueden establecer entre dichas transformaciones y el psicoanálisis?

How many newspapers were sold in Buenos Aires in the years that go from the revolution to the fall of Juan Manuel de Rosas? The question point out a dark spot in the historiography of the Argentine press and editorial culture, but also in the studies of political and intellectual history, since it presupposes in its formulation another no less difficult to answer: how many were its readers? Who had material access to the newspapers? The present work is an attempt to advance in a field still little known of the culture lettered in century XIX. Divided in two parts, the first presents a description of the formal and discursive resources in the formation of the public opinion –centered on the modes of fictionalization of opinion, through announcements and correspondences–, while the second part proposes an approximation analytical to its empirical counterpart, that is, an examination of the possible particulars readers of newspapers, by analyzing the costs and wages in two significant and equidistant periods. ; ¿Cuántos periódicos se vendían en Buenos Aires en los años que van de la Revolución a la caída de Juan Manuel de Rosas? La pregunta señala un punto oscuro en la historiografía de la prensa y de la cultura mediática argentinas, pero también en los estudios de historia política e intelectual, pues supone en su formulación otra no menos difícil de responder: ¿cuántos eran sus lectores? ¿Quiénes tenían acceso material a los impresos? El presente trabajo es un intento de avanzar en un terreno hasta ahora poco transitado del intercambio letrado en el siglo XIX. Dividido en dos partes, la primera presenta una descripción de los recursos formales y discursivos en la formación de la llamada opinión pública –centrada en los modos de ficcionalización de la opinión, a través de remitidos y correspondencias–, mientras que la segunda propone una aproximación analítica a su contraparte empírica, esto es, un examen de los posibles lectores concretos de periódicos, mediante el análisis de costos y salarios en dos períodos ...

Resumen El Jornal Nacional, considerado como el programa de noticias de televisión más antiguo del Brasil, fue el escenario de muchos episodios que evidencian un papel hegemónico en el campo de la comunicación periodística televisiva. En este sentido, el artículo pretende reconstruir los temas y los enfoques desarrollados por el Jornal Nacional, sobre los principales acontecimientos sociales y políticos desde 1969, año de su lanzamiento. Asimismo, traza la historia del Jornal Nacional, mediante la sistematización de una serie de estudios nacionales, la identificación de consolidación discurso del emisor, en cada momento socio-histórico de la representación nacional significativa.

For centuries the term 'chichimeca' has been used by Mexico as a synonym for 'barbaro' or 'wild'. However, in recent decades, a deepening of the knowledge of Chichimeca groups — which has been a political revalorisation of the regions in Mexico — has led to a further rebuilding of the memory of Spanish conquest, which, in part, offers a different view of these human groups. To an unanticipated degree, social anthropology — and in particular the 'Permanent Seminar of Studies of Great Chichimeca' (SPECH), in which different academic disciplines engage in dialogue on the same topic and territory — is contributing to the same review, with the convergent result of removing Chichimeca peoples from the ostracism to which official history in Mexico had confined them, while, among other inhabitants of that part of the country, a certain pride of being from the same place as them is generated. ; Peer reviewed ; For centuries the term 'chichimeca' has been used by Mexico as a synonym for 'barbaro' or 'wild'. However, in recent decades, a deepening of the knowledge of Chichimeca groups — which has been a political revalorisation of the regions in Mexico — has led to a further rebuilding of the memory of Spanish conquest, which, in part, offers a different view of these human groups. To an unanticipated degree, social anthropology — and in particular the 'Permanent Seminar of Studies of Great Chichimeca' (SPECH), in which different academic disciplines engage in dialogue on the same topic and territory — is contributing to the same review, with the convergent result of removing Chichimeca peoples from the ostracism to which official history in Mexico had confined them, while, among other inhabitants of that part of the country, a certain pride of being from the same place as them is generated. ; Durante siglos el término "chichimeca" ha sido utilizado por los mexicanos como sinónimo de "bárbaro" o "salvaje". Sin embargo, en las últimas décadas una profundización en el conocimiento de los grupos chichimecas —a la que no ha ...

The book Governing Romuald Normand's educational success is part of a series of strongly reflexical work that examines the role of knowledge in the development, evaluation, choice and implementation of education policies. The particularity of this contribution lies in the fact that it is not built from a survey and a specific research, but rather focuses on existing research, in order to assess the (political) role they have played, to locate them relative to each other, to show tensions, breaks but also the continuities that link them and their links with political decision. Romuald Normand's book is, in this sense, a book of history as well as sociology. ; L'ouvrage Gouverner la réussite scolaire de Romuald Normand se situe dans un faisceau de travaux, résolument réflexifs, qui étudient le rôle des connaissances dans le développement, l'évaluation, le choix et la mise en oeuvre de politiques éducatives. La particularité de cette contribution tient au fait qu'elle ne se construit pas au départ d'une enquête et d'une recherche spécifique, mais qu'elle prend plutôt pour objet les recherches existantes, de manière à évaluer le rôle (politique notamment) qu'elles ont joué, à les situer les unes relativement aux autres, à montrer les tensions, les ruptures mais aussi les continuités qui les relient et les liens qu'elles entretiennent avec la décision politique. L'ouvrage de Romuald Normand est, en ce sens, un livre d'histoire autant que de sociologie.

. The article looks back on two aspects that have been accepted for thirty years on the history of animal protection in France: little interest in animal suffering itself for a long time; a long focus on human, political and cultural arguments, before the fate of the animals took place quite recently. A precise reading of the 19th century documents shows that the argument of animal suffering is indeed present from the outset of animal protection, but that it has for a long time an individual, non-collective dimension, and is often put in the forefront of more appropriate and acceptable arguments to the public or to policy makers. On the other hand, the importance of suffering as a motivation for the guards, from the outset, must encourage a review of the analyses in their regard. They do not simply carry out anthropomorphic projections of animal-objects, but they are sensitive to the experiences of living beings who feel, suffer and react as zoological sciences show. By intersecting history, ethology, sociology, psychology, neurobiology, etc., these interactions between suffering animals and emotional men need to be made more complex in order to better understand them and understand the resulting advocacy actions. ; International audience This article comes back on two recognized aspects for thirty years in the history of animal protection in France : the long-dated lack of interest towards animal suffering itself; a lengthy focus on human, political and cultural arguments before the fate of animals recently takes first place. A specific re-reading of 19 th century documents shows that the argument of animal suffering was really present since the origins of animal protection, but under a non-collective, individual, approach often put in background to the advantage of more conceivable and more receivable arguments for public opinion and political decision-makers. On the other hand, the importance of sufferance as a motivation of protectors, since its origin, must incite to review the analyses on the subject. They ...

International audience Cost-Benefit Analysis (CBA) has a long history, especially in the USA, of being used for the assessment of new regulation, new infrastructure and more recently for new technologies. Under the denomination of Socio-Economic Analysis (SEA), this concept is used in EU safety and environmental regulation, especially for the placing of chemicals on the market (REACh regulation) and the operation of industrial installations (Industrial Emissions Directive). As far as REACh and other EU legislation apply specifically to nanomaterials in the future, SEA might become an important assessment tool for nanotechnologies. The most important asset of SEA regarding nanomaterials, is the comparison with alternatives in socio-economic scenarios, which is key for the understanding of how a nanomaterial "socially" performs in comparison with its alternatives. "Industrial economics" methods should be introduced in SEAs to make industry and the regulator share common concepts and visions about economic competitiveness implications of regulating nanotechnologies, SEA and Life Cycle Analysis (LCA) can complement each other : Socio-Economic LCA are increasingly seen as a complete assessment tool for nanotechnologies, but the perspective between Social LCA and SEA are different and the respective merits and limitations of both approaches should be kept in mind. SEA is a "pragmatic regulatory impact analysis", that uses a cost/benefit framework analysis but remains open to other disciplines than economy, and open to the participation of stakeholders for the construction of scenarios of the deployment of technologies and the identification of alternatives. SEA is "pragmatic" in the sense that it is driven by the purpose to assess "what happens" with the introduction of nanotechnology, and uses methodologies such as Life Cycle Analysis only as far as they really contribute to that goal. We think that, being pragmatic, SEA is also adaptative, which is a key quality to handle the novelty of economic and social effects ...

I. First of all: the importance of the question. 4II. The data and terms of the debate 7a) socio-demographic data 7b) Legal data 11c) History 18d) Arguments 22III. The theoretical stakes of question 23 (a) Democracy, which is fundamental to the right to vote for foreigners 23Democracy? A substantial concept of democracy, based on conflict 24Right to vote and democracy: a necessary but not obvious relationship 25The struggle for foreigners to vote: a fight for democracy 27The fight for equality: a process of political subjectivation 29b) The right of foreigners to vote as a point of contradiction between democracy and sovereignty 31The conflict over the voting rights of foreigners: a conflict over the political community 32Nationality or logic of sovereignty 32Citizenship or logic of democracy 35IV. Bibliography 38 This 2-hour course initially presents data (socio-demographic, legal, historical) and the terms of the debate on the voting rights of foreigners (mainly in France, but also with a comparative view on the 5 continents). Secondly, it was a question of presenting the theoretical issues surrounding the question of voting for foreigners, showing that, behind the dialectics of nationality/citizenship, it was in fact the question of tensions between the principle of sovereignty and democracy. It is based on a thesis of political science. A substantive definition (formalistic vs formalistic) of democracy is proposed, which allows both a "angelic" vision of a democracy limited to universal suffrage and political pluralism to be overcome, and a "critical" vision denouncing the formal nature (vs real) of electoral democracy. With this in mind, the struggle for foreigners to vote is interpreted as a struggle for democracy and as a process of political subjectivation. The conflict over the right to vote of foreigners is presented as a conflict over the political community, i.e. not only on the borders of the political community, but also and above all on its very definition. Thus, the concept of the political ...

letamendi is an important figure in the history of medicine in Spain, his role as Professor of Anatomy of Barcelona and of Patology in Madrid, and his position as Dean of San Carlos, is of great interest in studying the medical teaching of restoration. It is very important to manage it as a Dean, both for the Madrid faculty and for the data it provides about it. Above all, your letter "Memorial addressed to H.E. Minister of Public Works in favour of the Faculty of Medicine in Madrid in his capacity as Decano of Madrid" dated 3 December 1890 is remarkable. His position as a Dean and Senator shows that his role at the head of the faculty — as in the case of Calleja — is both academic and political, which is therefore of great importance. It is not strange, as these faculties reflect the tradition of surgery schools, in which their director had great strength, to which they attach the privileged position that these faculties — together with right-wing ones — have in the liberal university. The model of these figures is, once again in France, in the medico-lawyer-lawist Orfide. ; Peer reviewed ; letamendi is an important figure in the history of medicine in Spain, his role as Professor of Anatomy of Barcelona and of Patology in Madrid, and his position as Dean of San Carlos, is of great interest in studying the medical teaching of restoration. It is very important to manage it as a Dean, both for the Madrid faculty and for the data it provides about it. Above all, your letter "Memorial addressed to H.E. Minister of Public Works in favour of the Faculty of Medicine in Madrid in his capacity as Decano of Madrid" dated 3 December 1890 is remarkable. His position as a Dean and Senator shows that his role at the head of the faculty — as in the case of Calleja — is both academic and political, which is therefore of great importance. It is not strange, as these faculties reflect the tradition of surgery schools, in which their director had great strength, to which they attach the privileged position that these faculties — ...

The article highlights the historical challenges of the Bompressi, Pietrostefani and Sofri case, condemned for the murder of Commissioner Calabresi in 1972. By attributing the responsibility for the first political murder of the extreme left to Lotta continua — a non-parliamentary group which was therefore part of Bompressi, Pietrostefani and Sofri — one can justify the thesis of the 'opposite extremisms' and begin in 1972 the process of establishing 'red terrorism', by establishing a line of absolute continuity between it and radical and contemporary groups born of the 1967-1968 student revolt and its rapprochement with the 'hot autumn' labour struggles in 1969 in northern Italy. It is clear from the outset that this reading of history can be appreciated both by those who want to erase the particular responsibilities of the extreme right and part of the state apparatus in what was called 'the strategy of tension' and, on a completely different side and for all other reasons, by the tenants and activists from the line of passage to armed struggle, who can thus claim parentage without any real breaks. It is historically to disprove that reading. ; L'article met en évidence les enjeux historiques de l'affaire Bompressi, Pietrostefani et Sofri, condamnés pour l'assassinat en 1972 du commissaire Calabresi. En attribuant à Lotta continua - groupe extra-parlementaire donc faisaient partie Bompressi, Pietrostefani et Sofri - la responsabilité du premier meurtre politique de l'extrême gauche, on peut justifier la thèse des " extrémismes opposés " et faire débuter en 1972 le processus de mise en place du " terrorisme rouge ", en établissant une ligne de continuité absolue entre ce dernier et les groupes radicaux et contestataires nés de la révolte étudiante de 1967-1968 et de son rapprochement avec les luttes ouvrières de " l'automne chaud ", en 1969, dans le Nord de l'Italie. On voit d'emblée que cette lecture-là de l'histoire peut être appréciée tant par ceux qui tiennent à effacer les responsabilités particulières de ...