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L'intensification des débats définis en termes de valeurs au sein de l'Union européenne ainsi que la montée en puissance des flux transatlantiques (c'est-à-dire des phénomènes de mimétisme et d'échange d'idées et de pratiques) amènent à considérer la morality politics de l'UE au regard du scénario américain des guerres culturelles. En particulier, la question de la mobilisation de la société civile européenne autour de l'avortement permet de tester les deux facettes du cadre théorique des culture wars :soit il existe une polarisation avérée et irréductible entre deux camps formés et fermés d'acteurs, soit il ne s'agit que d'un répertoire d'actions et d'un style politique particuliers visant à la dramatisation d'une cause en vue d'obtenir une reconnaissance politique et médiatique. Dans tous les cas, il s'agit d'étudier comment une morality issue ponctuelle devient le symbole d'un enjeu plus large :celui de la définition des valeurs, de l'identité et de la culture publiques. ; The intensification of the debates defined in terms of values inside the European Union as well as the growing relevance of the transatlantic flows (i.e. phenomena of mimesis and exchange of ideas and practices) are justifying the study of EU morality politics through the prism of the American scenario of culture wars. The mobilization of the European civil society around the abortion issue in particular enables us to test both facets of the theoretical framework of culture wars, i.e. either there is a patent and implacable polarization between two defined and closed groups of actors, or it only corresponds to a particular political communication style aiming at dramatizing an issue in order to get political and media attention. In both cases, the objective is to analyze how a punctual morality issue becomes the symbol of a broader stake: the definition of the public values, identity, and culture. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/published

Previous studies of lottery diffusion include all lottery adoptions, treating them as possessing characteristics that render their politics similar. Here, the possibility is explored that different types of lotteries generate different types of politics. Although all lotteries involve considerations of morality, some types of lotteries can involve additional values beyond concerns about the "sin" of gambling. The dedication of lottery revenue to a specific purpose can arouse these additional concerns & change the politics of adoption. It is hypothesized that dedication of lottery revenue to the general fund will therefore generate different politics of adoption than lotteries designed to fund education. Event-history analysis of fiscal & other measures on lottery adoption reveals that previous findings on lottery diffusion apply only to general fund lotteries. If lottery revenue is dedicated to education, the potent symbol of children's education significantly changes the politics of adoption. 3 Tables, 1 Appendix, 57 References. Adapted from the source document.

In recent years, there have been a number of examples of African Americans mobilizing around morality politics issues. In Maryland, Black churches and church leaders mobilized against legalizing same-sex marriage. This entailed a more extensive mobilization than for any issue in recent memory. Despite this unprecedented mobilization, a majority of Black state legislators supported a measure legalizing same-sex marriage as the vast majority voted on the basis of their personal attitudes on the issue. This suggests Black legislators may serve as a buffer against Black social conservatism. Examination of this issue yields some important insights in terms of how Black churches mobilize in the contemporary context, perceptions of the political power of the Black church, how conceptions of "civil rights" intersects with this particular issue, and the inadequacy of labels like "progressive" or "conservative" to fully describe many Black political actors—especially when it comes to morality politics.

Both Catholics and non-Catholics attempt to enlist the Pope as a partisan of one or another political cause: disarmament, socialization, civil rights, aid for underdeveloped nations, the condemnation of a Hitler. The relationship between morality and politics, however, is ambiguous. Good men may well disagree about which long-range or short-range political programs are best calculated to serve man's moral interests. What, then, is the present position of the Catholic—liberal or conservative—when the Pope makes a moral-political statement about the issues of our time?In its general lines, the traditional answer to this question is simple enough. There are three elements to distinguish: (1) moral principles; (2) political programs; (3) concrete decisions. The Pope's moral competence extends most clearly to declarations about principles. In proportion as judgments about historical facts, present trends, and the yet uncertain future are involved in political programs, the Pope's competence becomes increasingly ambiguous; his is increasingly but one of many prophetic voices "crying in the wilderness."

This book is both a critique of the concept of the rights-holding, free, autonomous individual and attendant ideology dominant in the contemporary West, and an account of an alternative view, that of the role-bearing, interrelated responsible person of classical Confucianism, suitably modified for addressing the manifold problems of today.