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In the early 1980s many social theorists claimed that the 'New Social Move­ments' (NSMs) were the authentic social movements of our time. This claim is discussed in relation to two traditions in the analysis of social movements. The 'American' tradition focuses on the single-issue movement of a protest and mobilizing character. The 'European' tradition focuses on the relation between major societal changes and processes of class formation, the labour movement being the classic case. In the article the women's movement is discussed as a major cultural revolutionary movement, the different campaigns dealing with the new urban forms of socialized reproduction, housing, planning, etc., as movements for the defence of the 'real consumption'; the green and environmentalist movements taking up the conflicting relation nature-society. Is the relation between the NSMs and the new and growing social strata of students, and employees within the welfare state, which make up their audience and activist core, to be understood as a parallel to the part played by the 'old' social movements in the making of the working class, the farmer class, etc? It is argued that there is no 'necessary' relationship between the societal changes and the NSMs, as there was between industrialization and the labour movement. The societal relations and changes around which the NSMs organize themselves - gender contradictions, socialization of reproduction, con­tradictions in the forms of modern urban living, nature society - do not single out a new social force as their 'natural' counterpart. They are both more encompassing in their reach and more non-partisan in character. The most likely centre for a possible coalescence of a multitude of NSMs into a major social movement, if not in the class formative sense, is the societally basic relationship, nature-society. The themes and issues raised by the NSMs can in the political process become articulated with existing political and social forces. The capacity of these forces and institutions to absorb the issues raised by the NSMs deter­mines the possibility for the NSMs to emerge as a new major social force.

Discusses several features of new social movements that are typically ignored by their adherents & by the academic literature: (1) the revolutionary nature of the sum of their demands; (2) what it would mean to incorporate their calls for change into the social fabric of daily life; (3) the extent to which these movements make demands on the state; & (4) the promise of the new social movements for bringing about fundamental change by combining a stress on qualitative change & core forms of domination. These social movements are defended as truly transformatory & not, as their critics claim, inherently limited & ineffective. While obstacles to the achievement of their goals exist, it is suggested that these can be overcome through a democratic theory that is complemented by a theory of change attentive to how new patterns become mobilized. It is argued that revolutionary change will not be accomplished violently or quickly, but through the institutionalization of new patterns of life & a new common sense. D. M. Smith

After Lithuania regained the independence, the state confronted with many political, social, economic, and cultural challenges, which led to changes of norms, values, forms of activities and consciousness of citizens. Changing situation lead to the marginalization of rural areas, the rural community movement raised. The main reason for the rising movement was dissatisfaction about current situation and willingness to change it using communities' resources. This movement is al-lied to new social movements, which arose in 1960 in Western world. For the creation of post-industrial rural areas the paradigm of innovative, sustainable, inclusive rural development deter-mines that new theories, explaining transformations, are necessary. The aim of this research is to identify correspondence of Lithuanian rural community movement to new social movement theory. Scientific literature, related documents, and secondary statistical data were analysed, the theoretical framework of six dimensions was created and applied. The research results confirmed that rural community in Lithuania is to be viewed as a new social movement with some features of traditional movements. These findings may be useful for increasing the awareness about social transformations in rural areas

After Lithuania regained the independence, the state confronted with many political, social, economic, and cultural challenges, which led to changes of norms, values, forms of activities and consciousness of citizens. Changing situation lead to the marginalization of rural areas, the rural community movement raised. The main reason for the rising movement was dissatisfaction about current situation and willingness to change it using communities' resources. This movement is al-lied to new social movements, which arose in 1960 in Western world. For the creation of post-industrial rural areas the paradigm of innovative, sustainable, inclusive rural development deter-mines that new theories, explaining transformations, are necessary. The aim of this research is to identify correspondence of Lithuanian rural community movement to new social movement theory. Scientific literature, related documents, and secondary statistical data were analysed, the theoretical framework of six dimensions was created and applied. The research results confirmed that rural community in Lithuania is to be viewed as a new social movement with some features of traditional movements. These findings may be useful for increasing the awareness about social transformations in rural areas

European new social movement (NSM) theory was developed to describe & explain the apparently unique character of the wave of collective action that began in the 1960s & continues to this day. Key characteristics of NSM theory are a post-industrial orientation, middle-class activist core, loose organizational form, use of symbolic direct actions, creation of new identities, & a "self-limiting radicalism." The theory's claims to movement innovation were later criticized by many as' exaggerated & ahistorical. However, the filtering down of key NSM elements into social movement studies has led to changing definitions of what social movements actually are & opened up new opportunities for the integration of religious movements into the social movements mainstream. Using the case of radical Islam, & with particular reference to the terrorist social movement organization al-Qa'ida, this article argues that drawing on key features of NSM theory should lead to a better understanding of radical Islam as' well as a more realistic explanation of its continuing development & transformation. References. Adapted from the source document.

The cycle of social movement mobilization over the past generation moved theorists to make claims about the novelty of student, peace, ecology, and women's movements of the period. It has not been determined whether such characteristics apply to the anti‐nuclear weapons movements of the 1980s. This article reviews the theoretical underpinning of "new social movements" and assesses the extent to which it accurately describes the action, identity, and organization of recent peace movements, with special attention to the West German antimissile movement. The author argues that anti‐nuclear weapons efforts, in both Europe and the United States, evinced a distinctive blend of borrowed and innovative features but had more in common with their predecessors than previously recognized.

Our hypermediated societies affect the very nature of what a social movement is. This article identifies five core nodal points of what constitutes a social movement: Program claims, Identity construction, Connections, Actions, and Resolve (PICAR). Primarily using France's yellow vest movement case, I assess the impact of social media on these nodal points. I find that social media afford opportunities as well as present challenges for contemporary movements which taken together amounts to a newly emerging ontology. This new-new social movement ontology is characterized by processes of discontinuity (open ideological positioning, fluid collective identities, weak ties, an online repertoire of action, and relative ephemerality) co-existing with continuity (the return of a class politics of redistribution, the continued importance of collective identity, offline repertoires, and cycles of protest). This analysis demonstrates the dynamic interplay between political and mediation opportunity structures, producing new emancipatory potentials and challenging constraints.

We present a number of concepts and hypotheses concerning the impact of the political opportunity structure on the mobilisation pattern of new social movements in Western Europe. The hypotheses refer to the general level of mobilisation in a given country, the general forms and strategies of action employed, the system level at which mobilisation is typically oriented and the development of the level of mobilisation across time. The hypotheses are tested in a comparative analysis of France, Germany, the Netherlands and Switzerland. The analysis reveals country-specific variations in the mobilisation patterns of new social movements, which are largely in line with the theoretical expectations and serve to confirm the relevance of the political process approach for the study of social movements.