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One of the most impressive testimonies to the unity of mankind lies in the fact that certain basic features of social structure have been determined in different areas by the existence of similar conditions. Thus in ancient Egypt, in Japan, in early American cultures and among Indo-European peoples sociological analysis shows the rise of aristocracy to have been due to the coincidence of certain irrational, deepseated, retrospective convictions with certain economic conditions. Repeatedly the evolution of a ruling class runs back into that prehistoric darkness when related tribes first united to form a primordial political community; in the earliest historic age of such a community we find the members of this regarded as descendants of the gods or even as their earthly embodiments. It is on this belief in their divine origins that the great base their claim to a monopoly of political and economic power, the latter including disposal of the labor of the unfree. The same belief leads them to perpetuate themselves as a caste; their family lines must not be contaminated by the blood of the low-born. The mass of the free-born accepts this social order as divinely ordained. There is no sign of any consciousness of oppression nor thought of revolt against the privileges of the aristocracy. The latter for its part carefully heeds the rights of common mortals. There is either no tradition of a golden age of equality, or if there is some legend of a lost paradise, it fails to incite revolt against an order sanctified by immemorial existence. A society based on respect for an hereditary aristocracy that monopolized the best land could not be subverted by any forces generated solely within the lower classes. Discontent could become revolutionary only through the cultural developments that made it possible to ask the question, "When Adam delved and Eve span, who was then the gentleman?"

Introduction. The article examines the attitude of the Russian nobility to the reformatory activity of Chairman of the Council of the Ministers of the Russian Empire P.A. Stolypin. The authors focus on the analysis of the attitude of the conservative wing of the noble elite represented in the State Duma, the State Council, the Council of the United Nobility, the Council for Local Economy under the Ministry of Internal Affairs to the government policy. Methods. In the historiography of the problem three periods are highlighted. It was found that up to 90s of the 20th century negative evaluation of the personality and activity of P.A. Stolypin remained in the scientific literature. Only in the modern period of the Russian historiography development many mythologems were criticized and there appeared scientific works that overcame many stereotypes and dogmatic representations about the last Russian reformer's life and activity on the basis of the complex of documentary sources. Analysis. The regional nobility sharply criticized the new government agricultural policy, despite the fact that a large part of landowners and nobles reacted positively to implementing Stolypin's agrarian reform. Stolypin's program of updating Russia was ambiguously perceived by the elite of the Russian nobility. Such bills as "On the Extension of the Regulation on Zemsky Institutions to Vitebsk, Volyn, Kiev, Minsk, Mogilev and Podolsk Provinces", "On Amending and Supplementing the Existing Laws on Uezd Establishments in the Provinces", "On Establishing the Main Principles for Organizing Provincial Institutions" were met with hostility and regarded as an encroachment on traditional privileges of the noble class. Other bills of Stolypin did not find much support among the nobility as well. His fall began immediately after the appeasement of the country. Results. His legislative activity, the desire to accelerate the process of Russia's renewal irritated not only the conservative wing of the noble elite, but also Emperor Nicholas II. The tragedy of the last imperial reformer P.A. Stolpin was that he had no social support either among the ruling elite and the nobility, or in society, that eventually led to his isolation and tragic death.

The intent of this thesis is to examine Spinoza's philosophy of emotion as it relates to groups of individuals, or collectives. These groups, especially political collectives such as nation-states, are evaluated through Spinozist understandings of virtue, nobility, and blessedness. From this analysis, a novel concept of "collective nobility" is used to create philosophical guidance for the emotional dimensions of politics and state action. Drug policy is used as a case study to understand how emotion influences policymaking and vice versa, both negatively (as in the United States) and positively (as in Portugal). ; 2019-08-01 ; B.A. ; College of Arts and Humanities, Philosophy ; Bachelors ; This record was generated from author submitted information.