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The social context of political decision making is a critical component of explanations of political behavior. Little research, however, has focused on direct observation of the social circles that transmit political information & influence. The influences of local, neighborhood-based social networks on individual political attitudes are described on the basis of interview data from about 250 Rs to a 1979 pilot study for the 1980 National Election Survey conducted by the Center for Political Studies. A model of the sources & impacts of interpersonal networks in the mass public is proposed. 2 Tables, 1 Appendix, 77 References. Modified HA.

What are the most important concepts in the political behavior literature? Have experiments supplanted surveys as the dominant method in political behavior research? What role does the American National Election Studies (ANES) play in this literature? We utilize a content analysis of over 1,100 quantitative articles on American mass political behavior published between 1980 and 2009 to address these questions. We then supplement this with a second sample of articles published between 2010 and 2018. Four key takeaways are apparent. First, the agenda of this literature is heavily skewed toward understanding voting to a relative lack of attention to specific policy attitudes and other topics. Second, experiments are ascendant, but are far from displacing surveys, and particularly the ANES. Third, while important changes to this agenda have occurred over time, it remains much the same in 2018 as it was in 1980. Fourth, the centrality of the ANES seems to stem from its time-series component. In the end, we conclude that the ANES is a critical investment for the scientific community and a main driver of political behavior research.

"Political Behavior of Religious Elites" published on by Oxford University Press.

To test the hypo that Democrats (Dem's) living in subUr areas tend to become Republicans (Rep's), a survey was conducted in the Westwood suburb adjoining Kalamazoo, Michigan. A random sample of 203 cases were interviewed in this predominantly Rep area. However, length of residence in the suburb was unrelated to party preferences, presidential & gubernatorial voting, discussions of politics, knowledge of neighbor's pol'al beliefs, att's towards annexation or even to friendship or neighborliness. Of the 23 persons admitting lifetime changes in pol'al beliefs, 20 had made Dem to Rep 'conversions'. Of the latter, all but one had altered by 1952 (8 in that election alone). Reasons for change were most commonly `the man, not the party'. Though suburban residence appeared unrelated to pol'al behavior, in the locale studied both occup & religion were associated with voting choices & identifications. AA-IPSA.

Cover -- Half Title -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Table of Contents -- Preface -- Illustrations -- CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION TO GAPOLOGY -- The Concept of "Gapology" -- The United States in Red and Blue -- A Culture War? -- The Gapology of American Politics -- CHAPTER 2: THE INCOME GAP -- Income and American Political Behavior -- The Income Gap in the 2008 and 2012 Elections -- Income and Public Policy Preferences -- The Education Gap -- The Significance of the Income Gap -- CHAPTER 3: THE RELIGION GAP -- Religion and American Political Behavior -- The Religion Gap in the 2008 and 2012 Elections -- Religion and Public Policy Preferences -- Religion and the Cultural Divide -- The Changing Dynamic of the Religion Gap -- The Significance of the Religion Gap -- CHAPTER 4: THE GENDER GAP -- Gender and American Political Behavior -- The Gender Gap in the 2008 and 2012 Elections -- Gender and Public Policy Preferences -- The Marriage Gap -- The Significance of the Gender Gap -- CHAPTER 5: THE RACE GAP -- Race and American Political Behavior -- The Race Gap in the 2008 and 2012 Elections -- Race and Public Policy Preferences -- The Significance of the Race Gap -- CHAPTER 6: THE AGE GAP -- Age and American Political Behavior -- The Age Gap in the 2008 and 2012 Elections -- Age and Public Policy Preferences -- The Significance of the Age Gap -- CHAPTER 7: THE GEOGRAPHY GAP -- Geography and American Political Behavior -- Geography and Public Policy Preferences -- The Significance of the Geography Gap -- CHAPTER 8: THE IMPLICATIONS OF GAPOLOGY -- The Gaps and Vote Choice -- The Gaps and Public Policy Preferences -- The Significance of Gapology -- Appendix: Exit Polls, 1980-2012 -- Discussion Questions -- Index

THIS ANALYSIS OF INDIVIDUAL-LEVEL DATA INDICATES THAT VOTING IN CONGRESSIONAL ELECTIONS FROM 1956-76 WAS HARDLY INFLUENCED BY PERSONAL ECONOMIC GRIEVANCES. THE CONNECTION BETWEEN ECONOMICS AND POLITICS WAS PROVIDED BY MORE "COLLECTIVE JUDGMENTS": RECENT BUSINESS TRENDS, PERCEIVED NATIONAL PARTY COMPETENCE.

"Field Experiments on Political Behavior" published on by Oxford University Press.

The field of comparative political behavior has experienced an ironic course of development. Over the past generation, the field has generated a dramatic increase in the knowledge about how people think about politics, become politically engaged, and make their political decisions. Empirical data on citizen attitudes are now available on a near global scale. However, this increase in knowledge has occurred as the processes and structures of contemporary politics are transforming citizen politics. Thus, although more is known about contemporary electorates, the behavior of the public has become more complex and individualistic, which limits the ability to explain the behavior with the most common models. This article documents the expansion of this knowledge in several areas—political culture, political cognition, voting behavior, and political participation—and discusses the current research challenges facing the field.

The authors develop theoretical ideas in Technical Report #7 and outline links to political behavior. Technical Report #9 is more abstract than TR #8. This paper develops a theoretical argument about social comparison processes involved in political behavior.

"The Media and Political Behavior" published on by Oxford University Press.

What are the most important concepts in the political behavior literature? Have experiments supplanted surveys as the dominant method in political behavior research? What role does the American National Election Studies (ANES) play in this literature? We utilize a content analysis of over 1,100 quantitative articles on American mass political behavior published between 1980 and 2009 to address these questions. We then supplement this with a second sample of articles published between 2010 and 2018. Four key takeaways are apparent. First, the agenda of this literature is heavily skewed toward understanding voting to a relative lack of attention to specific policy attitudes and other topics. Second, experiments are ascendant, but are far from displacing surveys, and particularly the ANES. Third, while important changes to this agenda have occurred over time, it remains much the same in 2018 as it was in 1980. Fourth, the centrality of the ANES seems to stem from its time-series component. In the end, we conclude that the ANES is a critical investment for the scientific community and a main driver of political behavior research.

While political behavior differences between men & women appear to have been exaggerated, some continue to be validly observed. Evidence from several disciplines suggests that such differences may be biological in origin, mediated through the endocrine system. Variance in concentrations of certain hormones may have behavioral consequences. Since an experimental test in which these concentrations would be directly manipulated is not feasible, a design was developed that relies on the naturally occurring hormonal variance of the F menstrual cycle. Hypothesized differences in the responses of women experiencing diverse concentrations of key endocrines failed to appear. 1 Table. HA.

It is gratifying to be able to present to students of political behavior the approach that my colleagues, Jerome Bruner and Robert White, and I worked out for the study of "Opinions and Personality," since throughout our explorations political scientists had been what the current jargon would call a "salient reference group" for us. As a psychologist and "outsider," however, I offer these remarks with some trepidation, since the framework that we arrived at in the detailed study of ten men's outlook on Russia was, after all, distinctly psychological; therefore a limited view that embraces but one segment of the processes with which political scientists are properly concerned. Our investigations were long on the description and analysis of opinions, but short on the observation of consequential behavior, political or otherwise. And our study did not even focus on public opinion, in any sense that attemps a close conceptual distinction between the public and the private.

Conceptual inadequacies are noted in the study of pol'al att's, beliefs, & behavior, esp a confusion of civic myth & empirical reality. Findings that most US adults do not have pol'al belief systems are questioned. A conceptual framework is developed for a more adequate study of the relationship between beliefs & att's. Belief systems are discussed & defined as being composed of interrelated parts forming balance structures. However, balance theory has little explanatory power when the belief structure is poorly developed, & alternate models must be found. An alternative view of belief systems can be extrapolated from Kurt Lewin's field theory which views behavior as a function of the structural characteristics of the field at the time of the behavior one is studying (K. Lewin, FIELD THEORY IN SOCIAL SCIENCE, New York, NY: Harper Torchbooks, 1951). Beliefs are structured by purposes & the purposes of many pol'al actions are symbolistic & ritualistic. Understanding the structure of a given field is essential to understanding the reasons underlying an action taken by an individual. Personality factors may be important for determining the shape of a field (eg, intelligence taste, educ, etc). Res shows that the ordinary citizen does not have a well-structured pol'alfield; his contextual grasp of issues is poor, & his pol'al information very low. The belief systems underlying the pol'al action of ordinary citizens may be very diff from the issue orientation common to elite group pol'al actors. An investigation of the configuration of expressive orientations & their f in the pop is proposed, & it is said that an unstructured approach may be more useful than a structured one. The first task is to declare the theoretical need, then new techniques can be found. 2 Figures. M. Maxfield.

AbstractCan different experiences with discrimination produce divergent political behaviors? Does it make a difference whether individuals are discriminated against by their peers or community members in the course of everyday life as opposed to political actors or institutions tasked with upholding democratic norms of equality and fairness? Crossing disciplinary boundaries, this study proposes a new theoretical perspective regarding the relationship between discrimination and political behavior. Specifically, it distinguishes between societal (interpersonal) and political (systematic) discrimination when examining the behaviors of racial and ethnic minorities in Great Britain. The results illustrate that although experiences of political discrimination may motivate individuals to take part in mainstream politics for substantive or expressive purposes, the same conclusion cannot necessarily be drawn for those who experience societal rejection. The principal aim of this study is to further highlight the complex and multidimensional nature of discrimination, and to encourage further analyses of how different types of discrimination may impact the civic and political behaviors of minority groups.