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All Political Parties have fulfilled the Receipt and Use of Campaign Funds (LPPDK) reports, because if they are not fulfilled, they will get sanctions based on KPU Regulations. The preparation of these various reports shows that political parties are obliged to demonstrate good governance to the public, in order to form a stigma that political parties have high accountability with a high level of transparency. However, in reality this is not directly proportional to the daily governance of political parties. This study uses a qualitative research method with an interpretive approach, where data collection uses data triangulation. As for the results of the research, namely the rules that cover political parties are clear, but their application has not been implemented as the existing legal umbrella, namely law. Unlike the case with the implementation of elections related to campaign funds. Realizing good political party governance must start from the awareness of party officials to always present data and reports in a transparent manner, not only obeying during elections but continuously and continuously. Not only afraid of direct sanctions imposed by the KPU, but also pay attention to the continuity and sustainability of political parties. Going concern does not only apply to business entities, but it is also important to apply to political party organizations. Political parties are a gathering place for cadres who become and or will still be public officials who later carry out the mandate and work for the people, this is the reason for the importance of accountability and transparency for good party governance.

PurposeDue to scarcity of research in governance and accountability in private higher education in developing countries, the purpose of this paper is to explore the tensions surrounding good governance in legitimizing accountability in private universities in developing countries with reference to Bangladesh.Design/methodology/approachMixed methods are employed: a quantitative survey of 1,576 students from all 79 private universities; qualitative interviews with 23 stakeholders; and policy documents including the Private University Acts, the World Bank Report and newspapers (1992-2015) were evaluated. The objectives of these mixed methods in this study are juxtaposed and generate complementary insights that together create a bigger picture surrounding governance and accountability issues.FindingsUsing Clark's (1983) triangle model (i.e. state control, academic oligarchy, and market forces together with the external influence of donors and boards of trustees as internal governance) and new institutional theory (DiMaggio and Powell, 1983), the major contributions of this study are explaining the root causes of the poor governance of private universities through three related factors: the substantial political power and autonomy held by boards of trustees; a lack of enforcement of Private University Act; and a lack of coordination among stakeholders. The coercive power of the state becomes powerless since the board of trustees ultimately enjoys political power and "does whatever it can." The lack of coordination of the academic oligarchy (e.g. professors and academics) and market forces (represented by students) by the board of trustees creates a paradox of governance and hence a decoupling of formal policies and actual practice.Practical implicationsThe findings have major policy implications for local and international policymakers for improving good governance in private universities in developing countries.Originality/valueThe novelty of the study's findings represents an initial effort to understand the complex and persistent phenomenon of prolonged poor governance of private universities in developing countries, which is largely neglected in the literature. This will undoubtedly contribute to literature and policy implications.

Western Highlands is one of several Papua New Guinean provinces caught in the suffocating grip of poor governance. It has a woeful record of administrative ineptitude, dreadful financial management and political interference with public service functions. These are deeply entrenched problems that have been allowed to grow over time and are not restricted to a particular administration or government.

Western Highlands is one of several Papua New Guinean provinces caught in the suffocating grip of poor governance. It has a woeful record of administrative ineptitude, dreadful financial management and political interference with public service functions. These are deeply entrenched problems that have been allowed to grow over time and are not restricted to a particular administration or government.

This book presents a holistic perspective and analysis of democratic practice, processes, and governance in South Africa. It examines the development in the South African governing system and its response to the challenges of the crisis of governance under the influence of the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM). While doing so, the book's central objective is to examine the progress of the South African government in strengthening democracy and political governance. Each of the contributions follows a similar structure and addresses the following thematic issues: (1) Assessment of the implementation of the core APRM-related programs; (2) Identification of areas of excellence and prognosis for further improvement; (3) Identification of the weak areas of each and how to make the future implementation better, (4) Identification areas to improve democracy and political governance. A self-assessment strategy initiated by the African Union (AU) in 2002 and adopted in 2003, the APRM is a voluntary mechanism adopted by countries in the African continent to improve governance in general. As a specialized AU agency, APRM monitors the peer review activities of each African country. It serves as a tool for sharing experiences, reinforcing best practices, identifying deficiencies, and assessing capacity-building needs to foster policies, standards, and practices that lead to political stability, high economic growth, sustainable development, and accelerated sub-regional and continental economic integration. This book will be useful for and appeal to scholars and researchers in political science, public administration, and the social sciences in general, as well as policy-makers interested in a better understanding of democratic practice and processes, governance, public policy, and the African Peer Review Mechanism.

Historically in Spain policies to govern religion have been undertaken and controlled by the central state. After the end of the Franco era and especially since the early nineties there have been significant changes in this field. The article therefore distinguishes two main patterns of regulation of religious matters: the first of these patterns can be described as a top-down political program of government and the second one as a bottom-up policy process of governing religious diversity. The first is mainly based on the application of the "church-state" model to the regulation and control of religious minorities. The second is a new pattern which promotes a different way of dealing with religious minorities being greatly influenced by the proposals of interfaith groups and multicultural theories. It initially appeared in Catalonia and slowly develops in whole Spain. However both patterns are not completely independent; current developments in both are rather influenced by one another.

This chapter argues that the office of the Elected President is best understood as an elite institution with eligibility restricted to a select group by a stringent set of criteria for hopefuls from the public and private sectors. The Singapore Constitution provides the Elected President with executive and legislative powers. Since independence in 1965, Singapore has sought to constitutionally engineer a political system that meets its unique needs and aspirations. Any theory of responsible government, undergirded by the separation of powers, will entail some measure of both conflict and cooperation, whether one or the other dominates. Given the particularistic neo-Confucian political culture subtly promoted by the Singapore Government, the political leadership valorizes the Confucian precept that leaders have a moral duty to act in the collective interest. The Government agreed with the Commission's recommendations outlined above on the nature of a qualifying company and the nature of qualifying position within a qualifying company.

This book presents a holistic perspective and analysis of democratic practice, processes, and governance in South Africa. It examines the development in the South African governing system and its response to the challenges of the crisis of governance under the influence of the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM). While doing so, the book's central objective is to examine the progress of the South African government in strengthening democracy and political governance. Each of the contributions follows a similar structure and addresses the following thematic issues: (1) Assessment of the implementation of the core APRM-related programs; (2) Identification of areas of excellence and prognosis for further improvement; (3) Identification of the weak areas of each and how to make the future implementation better, (4) Identification areas to improve democracy and political governance. A self-assessment strategy initiated by the African Union (AU) in 2002 and adopted in 2003, the APRM is a voluntary mechanism adopted by countries in the African continent to improve governance in general. As a specialized AU agency, APRM monitors the peer review activities of each African country. It serves as a tool for sharing experiences, reinforcing best practices, identifying deficiencies, and assessing capacity-building needs to foster policies, standards, and practices that lead to political stability, high economic growth, sustainable development, and accelerated sub-regional and continental economic integration. This book will be useful for and appeal to scholars and researchers in political science, public administration, and the social sciences in general, as well as policy-makers interested in a better understanding of democratic practice and processes, governance, public policy, and the African Peer Review Mechanism.

Public administration scholars have discerned a shift in the federal governance context in Canada, from what was traditionally a strong, nonpartisan public service to a more politicized, even partisan, model of public decision-making with power concentrated in the upper reaches of the political executive. We explore the potential implications of these changes for evaluation in the federal bureaucracy. Our analysis, tentative at this point, suggests that in light of heightened political pressures, and a decline in the use of "evidence" in federal policy circles, evaluations may present an increasingly complex activity for public administrators to manage. These developments raise important questions for the evaluation community about its relationships with public managers and its role and professional values in a democratic institution.Les observateurs du domaine de l'administration publique ont constaté un virage dans le contexte de la gouvernance fédérale au Canada, laquelle est passée d'une administration publique forte, non partisane, à un modèle plus politisé, voire partisan, de la prise de décisions où le pouvoir est concentré dans les plus hautes sphères de l'exécutif fédéral. Nous explorons les impacts possibles de ces changements sur l'évaluation au sein de la bureaucratie fédérale. Notre analyse préliminaire semble indiquer que, au vu des pressions politiques accrues et du déclin du recours aux « preuves » dans les milieux politiques fédéraux, l'évaluation devient une activité de plus en plus complexe à gérer pour les administrateurs fédéraux. Ces développements soulèvent des questions importantes au sein de la communauté de l'évaluation pour ce qui est de ses liens avec les gestionnaires du secteur public ainsi que de son rôle et de ses valeurs professionnelles au sein d'une institution démocratique.

ABSTRACT The New Institutional Economics, led by four Nobel laureates (Ronald Coase, Douglass North, Oliver Williamson and Elinor Ostrom), has showed that institutions and organizations are a medium for reducing transaction costs and obtaining a higher efficiency in economic performance. This paper goes into the research program of the New Institutional Economics to explain the relevance of transaction costs in political exchange and organization and show that transactions costs are even higher in political markets than in economic markets. The paper reviews the main contributions on institutions, transaction costs and political governance, and provides some lessons on political transacting and governance. The survey includes the most detailed catalogue of political transaction costs that has ever been published.