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The political changes sweeping Latin America have inspired scholars to declare a "post-neoliberal" era, some even suggesting a potential reversal of colonialism. Despite progressive political discourse in Ecuador, the indigenous movement continues to resist the state. Underlying the conflict between the indigenous and the state is a long-standing conflict between economic growth and the environment. Since Ecuador's economy relies on Amazonian natural resources, the post-neoliberal Ecuadorean state requires colonial advances into indigenous territory to fund its progressive social programs. The opposite of colonialism is autonomy, which in the right hands can represent a true development alternative. Los cambios políticos arrasando América Latina han inspirado a los académicos a declarar una era "posneoliberal," algunos incluso sugiriendo una inversión potencial de colonialismo. A pesar del discurso político progresista en el Ecuador, el movimiento indígena continúa resistiendo el Estado. Detrás del conflicto entre los indígenas y el Estado es un conflicto antiguo entre el crecimiento económico y el medio ambiente. Como la economía de Ecuador se basa en los recursos naturales de la Amazonía, el Estado ecuatoriano posneoliberal requiere avances coloniales en territorio indígena para financiar sus programas sociales progresistas. Lo contrario del colonialismo es la autonomía, que en las manos adecuadas puede representar una verdadera alternativa de desarrollo.

This paper reflects on present-day South-American sociopolitical reality through three intertwined notions: (post)neoliberalism, populism, and neo-extractivism. It points that the configuration of populist leaderships is merely one of the features to understand the post-neoliberal stage, which is characterized by economic growth heavily dependent upon neo-extractivistic practices that lead to a production of rent from common goods, a part of which is destined to redistribution of income, and by forms of subjectivation and management which are influenced by neoliberal governmental rationality. Therefrom derive the precariousness and ambivalence of the transformations that have been driven by South-American "progressive" governments. ; Este trabajo reflexiona sobre la realidad sociopolítica sudamericana actual teniendo en cuenta tres categorías interrelacionadas: (pos)neoliberalismo, populismo, neoextractivismo. Señala que la configuración de liderazgos populistas es apenas uno de los aspectos para comprender una etapa posneoliberal signada por un crecimiento económico fuertemente dependiente de prácticas neoextractivistas que llevan a una producción de renta a partir de los bienes comunes –de la cual una parte se redistribuye– y de formas de subjetivación y de gestión influenciadas por la racionalidad gubernamental neoliberal. De allí el carácter precario y ambivalente de los procesos de transformación impulsados por los gobiernos "progresistas" de la región.

This paper reflects on present-day South-American sociopolitical reality through three intertwined notions: (post)neoliberalism, populism, and neo-extractivism. It points that the configuration of populist leaderships is merely one of the features to understand the post-neoliberal stage, which is characterized by economic growth heavily dependent upon neo-extractivistic practices that lead to a production of rent from common goods, a part of which is destined to redistribution of income, and by forms of subjectivation and management which are influenced by neoliberal governmental rationality. Therefrom derive the precariousness and ambivalence of the transformations that have been driven by South-American "progressive" governments. ; Este trabajo reflexiona sobre la realidad sociopolítica sudamericana actual teniendo en cuenta tres categorías interrelacionadas: (pos)neoliberalismo, populismo, neoex- tractivismo. Señala que la configuración de liderazgos populistas es apenas uno de los aspectos para comprender una etapa posneoliberal signada por un crecimiento económico fuertemente dependiente de prácticas neoextractivistas que llevan a una producción de renta a partir de los bienes comunes de la cual una parte se redistribuye y de formas de subjetivación y de gestión influenciadas por la racionalidad gubernamental neoliberal. De allí el carácter precario y ambivalente de los procesos de transformación impulsados por los gobiernos "progresistas" de la región.

Este trabajo reflexiona sobre la realidad sociopolítica sudamericana actual teniendo en cuenta tres categorías interrelacionadas: (pos)neoliberalismo, populismo, tractivismo. Señala que la configuración de liderazgos populistas es apenas uno de los aspectos para comprender una etapa posneoliberal signada por un crecimiento económico fuertemente dependiente de prácticas neoextractivistas que llevan a una producción de renta a partir de los bienes comunes –de la cual una parte se redistribuye– y de formas de subjetivación y de gestión influenciadas por la racionalidad gubernamental neoliberal. De allí el carácter precario y ambivalente de los procesos de transformación impulsados por los gobiernos "progresistas" de la región. ; This paper reflects on present-day South-American sociopolitical reality through three intertwined notions: (post)neoliberalism, populism, and neo-extractivism. It points that the configuration of populist leaderships is merely one of the features to understand the post-neoliberal stage, which is characterized by economic growth heavily dependent upon neo-extractivistic practices that lead to a production of rent from common goods, a part of which is destined to redistribution of income, and by forms of subjectivation and management which are influenced by neoliberal governmental rationality. Therefrom derive the precariousness and ambivalence of the transformations that have been driven by South-American "progressive" governments. ; Fil: Saidel, Matías Leandro. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Conicet - Santa Fe; Argentina. Universidad Nacional de Entre Ríos. Facultad de Trabajo Social; Argentina. Universidad Nacional de Rosario; Argentina

This article examines how the labor conditions of nurses in Nicaragua have evolved through twenty-five years of health care policy and regime transition, focusing on the period since the return to power in 2007 of the Frente Sandinista de la Liberación Nacional (FSLN). I ask whether the deterioration in nurses' work-related well-being that were imposed by neoliberal health care restructuring have been redressed by the FSLN. I connect findings from interviews and focus groups with over fifty nurses to long-standing patterns in the gendering of care work, as well as the Sandinista track record in exploiting these patterns. Also relevant is the FSLN's mutual antagonism with feminist movements and its incremental but pronounced turn toward a regressive stance on gender equality. Finally, a steady drift toward authoritarianism by the FSLN government constrains the capacity for nurses to collectively assert their interests as workers and professionals.

This article examines how the labor conditions of nurses in Nicaragua have evolved through twenty-five years of health care policy and regime transition, focusing on the period since the return to power in 2007 of the Frente Sandinista de la Liberación Nacional (FSLN). I ask whether the deterioration in nurses' work-related well-being that were imposed by neoliberal health care restructuring have been redressed by the FSLN. I connect findings from interviews and focus groups with over fifty nurses to long-standing patterns in the gendering of care work, as well as the Sandinista track record in exploiting these patterns. Also relevant is the FSLN's mutual antagonism with feminist movements and its incremental but pronounced turn toward a regressive stance on gender equality. Finally, a steady drift toward authoritarianism by the FSLN government constrains the capacity for nurses to collectively assert their interests as workers and professionals. Resumen Este artículo examina la evolución de las condiciones laborales de las enfermeras nicaragüenses durante 25 años de políticas de salud y de transiciones del gobierno, con un enfoque principal sobre el período después del retorno al poder del Frente Sandinista para la Liberación Nacional (FSLN) en 2007. De interés particular son los deterios de las condiciones y el bienestar de las enfermeras a raíz de la reestructuración neoliberal en la salud. Se indaga hasta qué medida estos han sido abordados por el FSLN. Al presentar los hallazgos de entrevistas y grupos de enfoque con más de 50 enfermeras, se examina cómo la falta de mejoramiento en su situación está relacionada con patrones de larga trayectoria en la relación género y trabajo de cuido, y con la tendencia de los sandinistas de explotar estos patrones. De relevancia también es el antagonismo mutuo entre el FSLN y los movimientos feministas, y el paulatino pero marcado rechazo de parte del FSLN hacia la equidad de género. Por fin, la gradual deriva del gobierno del FSLN hacia el autoritarismo restringe la capacidad de las enfermeras de reclamar colectivamente sus intereses como trabajadores y profesionales.

The aim of this paper is to analyze the relationship between public policies, political conflict and post-neoliberalism in the Ecuadorian political process started in 2007 with Rafael Correa´s government. Specifically, this work examines the conflict known as "30-S" carried out by members of the police and military forces in September 2010 due to the Public Service Organic Law, which restructured some areas of the public service field. For that purpose, this work proposes a theoretical and methodological approach focusing on the intersections between a structural-critical juncture level and the "agency" level of the social subjects involved in specific political arenas. ; El artículo se propone indagar en la relación entre post-neoliberalismo, políticas públicas y conflicto político en el marco del proceso político ecuatorianoinaugurado en 2007 con el gobierno de Rafael Correa. Específicamente, se centra en el conflicto conocido como "30-S", protagonizado en septiembre de 2010 por la Policía Nacional y un sector de las Fuerzas Armadas, contra el gobierno nacional a raíz de la aprobación de la Ley Orgánica de Servicio Público (LOSEP) que reestructuraba ciertos ámbitos del sector público. Para ello, se presenta un enfoque teórico-metodológico para estudiar las intersecciones entre un nivel "estructural-coyuntural" y un nivel "agencial" de los sujetos sociales implicados en específicos escenarios políticos.

Based on ethnographic work and the analysis of social programs and public speeches, I examine the relationship between governmental measures and the (re)production or containment of conditions of inequality experienced by street vendors in Mexico City during the COVID-19 pandemic. I argue that from the president's office the symbolic violence of discourses (linked to urban neoliberalism) that stigmatize workers given their structural impossibility of complying with confinement norms was confronted. However, it was precisely the structural economic violence which was not contained by social policies that effectively suspend the workers' dependence on the market, especially during the moments of greatest risk and major restrictions on economic activities. This forced them to go out to the streets in search for income, thus failing to comply with the official regulations and exposing them to illness, as well as to administrative sanctions and police repression for working. ; Con base en trabajo etnográfico y análisis de discursos públicos y políticas sociales, examino la relación entre las medidas gubernamentales y la (re)producción o contención de condiciones de desigualdad vividas por comerciantes callejeros en la Ciudad de México, en el marco de la pandemia de COVID-19. Expongo que, desde la presidencia del país, se confrontó la violencia simbólica de discursos (vinculados al neoliberalismo urbano) que estigmatizan a los trabajadores por su imposibilidad estructural de cumplir con las medidas de confinamiento. Empero, precisamente la violencia económica estructural no fue contenida por políticas sociales que suspendieran efectivamente la dependencia de estos comerciantes al mercado, especialmente durante los momentos de mayor peligro y de mayores restricciones de las actividades económicas. Esto los forzó a salir a la calle en busca de ingresos, incumpliendo las disposiciones oficiales y exponiéndolos al contagio, a sanciones administrativas y represión policial por trabajar. ; A partir d'un travail ...

La administración presidencial de Rafael Correa, iniciada en el 2007, forma parte de la tendencia política post-neoliberal que presentan algunos países de la región. En materia de política pública, este gobierno se planteó como desafío transformar y modernizar la Policía Nacional como parte de un nuevo modelo de seguridad integral. ¿Qué cambios estructurales ha experimentado la cuestión policial en el Ecuador? ¿Qué explica y qué razonamiento político está asociado con estos cambios? La presente investigación analizará el ámbito policial y su proceso de cambios, continuidades y retrocesos en el periodo 2007-2013. Se argumentará que pese a existir avances en la transformación de la policía, estos no se enmarcan bajo una orientación programática de una reforma institucional democrática de la policía. Por el contrario, los cambios han obedecido a lógicas de aprendizaje propias del pragmatismo político en el ejercicio del poder y las racionalidades del gobierno contra el delito. La ausencia de esta agenda programática ha dado paso a un proceso de colonización policial en la compresión y conducción política de la institución policial, lo cual ha generado que las reformas iniciadas reproduzcan estructuras tradicionales y corporativas. ; A administração presidencial de Rafael Correa, iniciado em 2007, é parte da tendência política pós-neoliberal exibido por alguns países da região. Em política pública foi criado como um desafio, para transformar e modernizar a Polícia Nacional como parte de um novo modelo de segurança abrangente. Que mudanças estruturais ha experimentado a questão da polícia no Equador? O que explica e o que razão política está associada a essas mudanças? Esta pesquisa deve analisar policiamento e processar mudanças, continuidades e reversões no período de 2007-2013. Será argumentado que, embora haja progresso na transformação da polícia, não caem sob uma orientação programática de uma reforma institucional democrática da polícia. Pelo contrário, as mudanças têm obedecido à própria lógica de pragmatismo político no exercício da lógica do poder e do governo contra o aprendizado crime. A ausência desta agenda programática, deu lugar a um processo de compressão polícia colonização e política da direção da polícia, o que tem gerado as reformas e reproduzir estruturas corporativas tradicionais. ; The administration of President Rafael Correa, which started in 2007 in Ecuador, is part of the post-neoliberal political trend shared by some countries in the Latin American region. In terms of public policy it was conceived as a challenge to transform and modernize the National Police as part of a new model of an integral security system. What structural changes have the police experienced in Ecuador? What political reasoning has been associated with these changes? This article analyzes the changes, continuities and setbacks in the National Police institution from 2007 to 2013. We argue that although there has been progress in the transformation of the police, the key to understand the changes is not within the democratic police reform framework. By contrast, the changes have been part of the typical political pragmatism in the exercise of power and the government rationalities in the fight against crime. The combination of these factors has led to a process of "police-perspective colonization" in understanding and governing the police, which meant that the reforms reproduce traditional corporate structures.

El artículo se propone indagar en la relación entre post-neoliberalismo, políticas públicas y conflicto político en el marco del proceso político ecuatoriano inaugurado en 2007 con el gobierno de Rafael Correa. Específicamente, se centra en el conflicto conocido como "30-S", protagonizado en septiembre de 2010 por la Policía Nacional y un sector de las Fuerzas Armadas, contra el gobierno nacional a raíz de la aprobación de la Ley Orgánica de Servicio Público (LOSEP) que reestructuraba ciertos ámbitos del sector público. Para ello, se presenta un enfoque teórico-metodológico para estudiar las intersecciones entre un nivel "estructural- coyuntural" y un nivel "agencial" de los sujetos sociales implicados en específicos escenarios políticos. ; The aim of this paper is to analyze the relationship between public policies, political conflict and post-neoliberalism in the Ecuadorian political process started in 2007 with Rafael Correa´s government. Specifically, this work examines the conflict known as "30-S" carried out by members of the police and military forces in September 2010 due to the Public Service Organic Law, which restructured some areas of the public service field. For that purpose, this work proposes a theoretical and methodological approach focusing on the intersections between a structural-critical juncture level and the "agency" level of the social subjects involved in specific political arenas. ; Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación

Argentina's post-crisis political economy was viewed as part of the emergence of a post-neoliberal governance and the rise of New Left governments in Latin America in the past decade that marked a renewal of state activism in economy and poverty reduction. Using the concept of new developmentalism' described by Bresser-Pereira, this article offers a more nuanced approach to post-neoliberalism in Argentina. It argues that the post-neoliberal project or neo-developmentalism in Argentina does not mark a distinct departure from neoliberalism. Instead, it embodies a hybrid and complex process that maintains the core elements of economic liberalism. This article aims to contribute to the debates on post-neoliberalism and the New Left in Latin America.

This paper aims to analyze the emergence of Latin America Pink Tide and others, especially in political-economic paradigm (liberalism, neoliberalism and post-neoliberalism). Firstly, this paper describes an international political economy development generally and theoretically. Secondly, it describes political economy conditions in Latin America. Thirdly, it analyzes neoliberalism context that affects the development process in Latin America countries. Fourthly, it analyzes neoliberal development model, which is adopted in the context of Latin America. Fifthly, author is trying to address alternatives of neoliberalism development model that was conceived and adopted by the countries in Latin America, associate with pink tide phenomenon that recently emerging up in most countries in Latin America. Keywords: Alternative model, Development, International Political Economy, Latin America, Liberalism, Neoliberalism, Post-neoliberalism and Pink Tide.

Despite the massive state interventions into financial markets following the crash of 2007, the academic literature on the political-economic theory and practice of neoliberalism – a phenomenon often (mis)identified as equivalent to 'free market' fundamentalism or a second wave of laissez-faire – has continued to flourish, rather than decline in the post-crash era. This article discusses three recent books that offer insights into the resilience of neoliberalism in theory and practice. While all three books were published shortly before the onset of the new political crisis in the West, represented by Brexit, Trump and the rise of the far right, it is argued, here, that their analyses of post-crash neoliberalism in theory and practice offer useful clues as to what may lie ahead.Ban C (2016) Ruling Ideas: How Global Neoliberalism Goes Local. Oxford University Press: New York, 301pp.Davison S and Harris K (eds) (2015) The Neoliberal Crisis. London: Lawrence & Wishart, 112pp.Hoskins A and Tulloch J (2016) Risk and Hyperconnectivity: Media and Memories of Neoliberalism. New York: Oxford University Press, 333pp.