In the spirit of solidarity, critical activist scholarship and collaborative critical inquiry, this article calls for adoption of a counterhegemonic, transformative education strategy by proposing the development of an alternative vision to current neoliberal education projects and standardization. The political economy of education is driven by the economic imperatives of neoliberalism promoting new modes of governance in the university space. Education, once positioned in the public domain and constructed as a place of intellectual thought and progressive pedagogy, is reframed and reconstituted into the knowledge economy and social enterprise. The article draws on Thomas Piketty's concepts of educational convergence, institutional change, and collective representation to embed transformative strategies that reclaim democratic academic thought and collective action. Piketty's concepts are supplemented by narratives from service users from a large non-government organization helping people transition out of poverty, which has an early childhood center as part of the support. Such an emancipatory strategy through the use of critical pedagogy helps reconnect links between learning, knowledge, and social change.
Pod nazivom alternativni pedagoški koncepti mislimo na napor usmjeren za reformu škole i teoretskih koncepcija, koji su također poznati pod imenom reformska pedagogija, progresivna pedagogija, prijedlog nove škole itd. Prijelaz iz 19. u 20. stoljeće obilježilo je vrijeme izrazite pluralizacije pedagoške misli. Sklonost novim pedagoškim trendovima značajno se povećala između dvaju svjetskih ratova. Najizrazitiji predstavnik bio je Anton Osterc – njegove polemike s predstavnicima drugih pedagoških smjerova pomažu nam oslikati različite teorijske pozicije tog razdoblja. Ideje reformske pedagogije podupirala je Pedagoška centrala u Mariboru. Bez obzira na napore u Sloveniji, u tom razdoblju nije zaživjela bilo koja eksperimentalna škola. Pedagoška doktrina nakon 2. svjetskog rata odlučno je odbacila ideje reformske pedagogije. Glavni akter kritike bio je Vlado Schmidt koji je u reformskoj, odnosno progresivnoj pedagogiji (pedologiji, kako ju je nazvao), prepoznavao tipične elemente buržoaske pedagogije – s reformsko-pedagoškim idejama je povezivao neodgovarajuće znanje djeteta i neprikladnu odgojnu orijentaciju, koje su u odnosu prema prirodi djeteta zanemarivale društvene ciljeve odgoja. Dijelovi reformsko-pedagoških ideja na području Slovenije su se započeli ponovno uvoditi unutar samoupravne pedagogije i eksperimenta popustljivog odgoja. Prva alternativna škola u Sloveniji s važećim programom, koja je bila ustanovljena 1992. godine – jest Waldorfska škola u Ljubljani. Njeno ustanovljenje omogućila je nova društvena situacija nezavisnosti i promjene političkog sistema. Uspostava novih alternativnih škola omogućilo je školsko zakonodavstvo iz ljeta 1996. Trenutno u Sloveniji djeluju četiri alternativne osnovne škole. ; By alternative pedagogical concepts we mean the efforts for reforming school, education and theoretical conceptualization which are also known as reformist pedagogy, progressive pedagogy, new school movement, etc. The transition from the 19th to the 20th century is a time of high pluralisation of pedagogical thought. Favourableness of new pedagogical trends grew substantially in the time between both wars. The most prominent representative was Anton Osterc - his polemics with representatives of other pedagogical courses help us outline various theoretical positions of this period. The ideas of reform pedagogy were defended by the Pedagogical Central in Maribor. Despite the efforts in Slovenia, this period did not see a taking off of any of the alternative (experimental) schools. The pedagogic doctrine after World War 2 strongly rejected the ideas of reformist pedagogy. The main advocate of this critique was Vlado Schmidt who saw typical elements of bourgeois pedagogy in reformist or progressive pedagogy (pedology, as he named it) - he linked reformist pedagogy ideas with a lack of knowledge in children and an inadequate educational orientation while referring to the child's natural neglect of social education aims. Elements of reformist pedagogy ideas started establishing themselves again in the territory of Slovenia within the self- management pedagogy and experiments with permissive education. The first alternative school in Slovenia with a publicly valid programme was established in 1992 - this was the Waldorf School in Ljubljana. Its establishment was made possible by the new social situation after the change of the political system. Establishing new school alternatives was made possible by the school legislation of 1996 with the regulation of public schools. Currently, there are four alternative private basic schools in Slovenia.
The aim of the paper is to analyse: 1) the negative/dark sides of social capital in the Bosnian–Herzegovinian post-genocide society that emerged because of decades of symbolic and real war and post-war violence against the people in Bosnia and Herzegovina; and 2) the possibility of social development in the direction of a positive/lighter side of social capital, in the sense of legitimising progressive politics of social development based on the following foundations: a) learning peace, coexistence, and reconciliation; b) acknowledgment that genocide was carried out during the war and actively denied after the war; c) condemnation of genocide (both during the war and the post-war period); and d) active work to recognise the status of and obtain compensation for the victims of the genocide (at the social, organisational/institutional, and individual levels). ; War anomie
The beginning of the 21st century has posed numerous challenges for the global population, including the growth of inequality both worldwide and in specific societies. Inequality in access to good education is also increasing. The debate on our understanding of what modern education should be like is broadening. It was this atmosphere of crisis in society and education in the UK after the 2008 global financial and economic downturn that galvanised the search for "critical hope" for the possibility of transforming formal and informal education. For the sake of this hope, representatives of critical pedagogy and popular education have united into a single group (Critical Pedagogy/Popular Education Group). Modernisation of the education system in Ukraine also requires unity of all those interested and involved in the education process. Thus, the UK's experience is of considerable interest. The possibility and rationale of combining these two areas into a single Critical Pedagogy/Popular Education Group in the UK has so far remained under-researched. The article studies theoretical preconditions and practical consequences of the combination of critical pedagogy and popular education in the UK. It is emphasised that the common basic principles and purpose, even with the background of theoretical debate, create unity in critical conditions, as it has occurred in the United Kingdom. Common for critical pedagogy and popular education are: the orientation towards the student's life experience; confidence in representation of politics in education; resistance against official hierarchies; development of critical thinking; and critical reflection on important subjects of public life with a view to improve it. However, critical pedagogy and popular education cannot be considered as one and the same. Popular education goes beyond the boundaries of traditional educational institutions with the aim of maximum adaptation to the experience of those who are studying. It aims to meet with the learners not only in the field of their experience, but also in the literal sense: in their homes, public spaces, and so on. Representatives of popular education also do not differentiate the positions of the teacher and the student, emphasising that their experience is of equal importance. Thus, popular education is based on a horizontal connection instead of the usual vertical hierarchies in the educational space. The process of popular education should correspond to the following general characteristics: its curriculum should be based on the concrete experience and material interests of people in the communities of resistance and struggle; its methods and practices of teaching are collective and focused on the group unlike individual learning and development; and it tries where possible to promote direct links between education and social actions. Critical pedagogy, like popular education, also focuses on the student's life experiences. Critical pedagogy offers a curriculum which focuses on the study of everyday life, informal and popular culture, historical models of governance, the subjectivity and identity of the individual. Thus, critical pedagogy interprets pedagogical reality as widely as possible, which allows its theorists to unite with popular education in order to solve social and transformational problems through socio-pedagogical practices. Critical Pedagogy / Popular Education Group has united theorists, political activists, artists and people's educators for the sake of progressive education in the purpose of social change. Common to them is the recognition of deep injustice, dehumanization and attacks on human dignity in many areas of life of the founders of the group, and the lives of those who are less privileged than the founders of the group. This group has connected those working in formal educational institutions to others beyond their boundaries. The aim of the group, as the founders emphasise in its program document, is to enable those involved in social transformation and political struggle in formal and informal education to integrate their knowledge, to develop pedagogy of involvement, life and hope in order to break down the barriers between informal and formal education and connect them again to make possible a progressive change; rethink university as a radically democratic social and political institution; change individualised atomisation, instrumental and fatalistic thinking proposed by neoliberalism under the slogan "there is no alternative"; combine activism outside the academic institutions and inside them; combine academic theory and practice in order to improve the world; use the experience of other institutions, movements, and groups with similar views; and develop an independent community of those working for social justice and a sustainable future. We emphasise that the union emerged for the sake of joint actions, while theoretical differences undoubtedly remain. In the opinion of the group's founders, a number of issues are still subject to debate. Among them is the refinement of the concept of practice – namely, whether there is a distinction between theory and practice, or whether academic theory, learning and teaching can be considered practices. There is also a need to clarify the understanding of the concept of community in the environment of blurring of face-to-face communities, and whether there is a need to develop a collective action strategy in the absence of community. There is even discussion around the basic vocabulary terms of the group, subversion and transformation. There is debate about the limits of the subversion and transformation of the dominant definitions of education and the forms of institutional power. In our opinion, the long list of discussion points proves that the process of integration was not a simple matter. The task of modernising the education system in Ukraine needs the same broad coalition, in the middle of which there will undoubtedly be a number of controversial theoretical issues. However, the common ground principles and purpose would allow us to unite in critical conditions, as it happened in the UK. The consideration of the theoretical intentions of critical pedagogy and popular education, the clarification of the underlying conditions and the purpose of their unification into a single group in the UK allows us to renew our vision of the place of education in public life.Key words: critical pedagogy, Critical Pedagogy/Popular Education Group, popular education, modernisation of education system. ; Стаття присвячена аналізу теоретичних передумов і практичних наслідків об'єднання критичної педагогіки і народної (популярної) освіти у Великій Британії. Доводиться, що атмосфера кризи у суспільстві і освіті актуалізувала пошуки "критичної надії" щодо можливості трансформувати формальну та неформальну освіту. Підкреслюється, що спільні засадничі принципи і мета, навіть на фоні теоретичних дискусій, дозволяють у критичних умовах об'єднатися, як то сталося у Великій Британії. Наголошується значення широкої коаліції задля модернізація системи освіти.Ключові слова: критична педагогіка, об'єднання "Гурт критична педагогіка/народна (популярна) освіта", народна (популярна) освіта, модернізація системи освіти. Статья посвящена анализу теоретических оснований и практических последствий объединения критической педагогики и народного (популярного) образования. Доказывается, что атмосфера кризиса в обществе и образовании актуализировала поиски «критической надежды» в отношении возможности трансформировать формальное и неформальное образование. Подчеркивается, что общие основные принципы и цель, даже на фоне теоретических дискуссий, позволяют в критических условиях объединиться, как это произошло в Великобритании. Подчеркивается значение широкой коалиции для модернизации системы образования.Ключевые слова: критическая педагогика, объединение «Группа критическая педагогика/народное (популярное) образование», народное (популярное) образование, модернизация системы образования. The beginning of the 21st century has posed numerous challenges for the global population, including the growth of inequality both worldwide and in specific societies. Inequality in access to good education is also increasing. The debate on our understanding of what modern education should be like is broadening. It was this atmosphere of crisis in society and education in the UK after the 2008 global financial and economic downturn that galvanised the search for "critical hope" for the possibility of transforming formal and informal education. For the sake of this hope, representatives of critical pedagogy and popular education have united into a single group (Critical Pedagogy/Popular Education Group). Modernisation of the education system in Ukraine also requires unity of all those interested and involved in the education process. Thus, the UK's experience is of considerable interest. The possibility and rationale of combining these two areas into a single Critical Pedagogy/Popular Education Group in the UK has so far remained under-researched. The article studies theoretical preconditions and practical consequences of the combination of critical pedagogy and popular education in the UK. It is emphasised that the common basic principles and purpose, even with the background of theoretical debate, create unity in critical conditions, as it has occurred in the United Kingdom. Common for critical pedagogy and popular education are: the orientation towards the student's life experience; confidence in representation of politics in education; resistance against official hierarchies; development of critical thinking; and critical reflection on important subjects of public life with a view to improve it. However, critical pedagogy and popular education cannot be considered as one and the same. Popular education goes beyond the boundaries of traditional educational institutions with the aim of maximum adaptation to the experience of those who are studying. It aims to meet with the learners not only in the field of their experience, but also in the literal sense: in their homes, public spaces, and so on. Representatives of popular education also do not differentiate the positions of the teacher and the student, emphasising that their experience is of equal importance. Thus, popular education is based on a horizontal connection instead of the usual vertical hierarchies in the educational space. The process of popular education should correspond to the following general characteristics: its curriculum should be based on the concrete experience and material interests of people in the communities of resistance and struggle; its methods and practices of teaching are collective and focused on the group unlike individual learning and development; and it tries where possible to promote direct links between education and social actions. Critical pedagogy, like popular education, also focuses on the student's life experiences. Critical pedagogy offers a curriculum which focuses on the study of everyday life, informal and popular culture, historical models of governance, the subjectivity and identity of the individual. Thus, critical pedagogy interprets pedagogical reality as widely as possible, which allows its theorists to unite with popular education in order to solve social and transformational problems through socio-pedagogical practices. Critical Pedagogy / Popular Education Group has united theorists, political activists, artists and people's educators for the sake of progressive education in the purpose of social change. Common to them is the recognition of deep injustice, dehumanization and attacks on human dignity in many areas of life of the founders of the group, and the lives of those who are less privileged than the founders of the group. This group has connected those working in formal educational institutions to others beyond their boundaries. The aim of the group, as the founders emphasise in its program document, is to enable those involved in social transformation and political struggle in formal and informal education to integrate their knowledge, to develop pedagogy of involvement, life and hope in order to break down the barriers between informal and formal education and connect them again to make possible a progressive change; rethink university as a radically democratic social and political institution; change individualised atomisation, instrumental and fatalistic thinking proposed by neoliberalism under the slogan "there is no alternative"; combine activism outside the academic institutions and inside them; combine academic theory and practice in order to improve the world; use the experience of other institutions, movements, and groups with similar views; and develop an independent community of those working for social justice and a sustainable future. We emphasise that the union emerged for the sake of joint actions, while theoretical differences undoubtedly remain. In the opinion of the group's founders, a number of issues are still subject to debate. Among them is the refinement of the concept of practice – namely, whether there is a distinction between theory and practice, or whether academic theory, learning and teaching can be considered practices. There is also a need to clarify the understanding of the concept of community in the environment of blurring of face-to-face communities, and whether there is a need to develop a collective action strategy in the absence of community. There is even discussion around the basic vocabulary terms of the group, subversion and transformation. There is debate about the limits of the subversion and transformation of the dominant definitions of education and the forms of institutional power. In our opinion, the long list of discussion points proves that the process of integration was not a simple matter. The task of modernising the education system in Ukraine needs the same broad coalition, in the middle of which there will undoubtedly be a number of controversial theoretical issues. However, the common ground principles and purpose would allow us to unite in critical conditions, as it happened in the UK. The consideration of the theoretical intentions of critical pedagogy and popular education, the clarification of the underlying conditions and the purpose of their unification into a single group in the UK allows us to renew our vision of the place of education in public life.Key words: critical pedagogy, Critical Pedagogy/Popular Education Group, popular education, modernisation of education system.
AbstractIn the late 1940s and 1950s American Catholic educators faced the dilemma of how to transmit Catholic faith and culture to the next generation while also reassuring their non‐Catholic neighbors that they were fully American in lifestyle and loyalties. This article examines one response to that dilemma: the convergence of public and Catholic school civics curricula through the widespread use of experiential pedagogy in Catholic civics education. Using a content analysis of civics textbooks and teacher's guides from both school systems, this article demonstrates how both kinds of schools converged on an experiential style of civics education, despite vocal opposition to "progressive" pedagogy at elite levels of Catholic educational discourse. The article then presents a partial explanation for this dissonance, demonstrating the moral certainty exhibited in the same Catholic‐school textbooks, and suggesting that Catholic educationists understood American Catholics to be morally privileged in a way that gave them special insight into American democracy and protected them from the negative influences of secular educational philosophy. This case study speaks to larger questions of how organizations manage conflicts between abstract principles and practical action, and suggests the value of including religious schools in the sociological study of "loose coupling" in educational organizations.
Writing Democracy: The Political Turn in and Beyond the Trump Era calls on the field of writing studies to take up a necessary agenda of social and economic change in its classrooms, its scholarship, and its communities to challenge the rise of neoliberalism and right-wing nationalism. Grown out of an extended national dialogue among public intellectuals, academic scholars, and writing teachers, collectively known as the Writing Democracy project, the book creates a strategic roadmap for how to reclaim the progressive and political possibilities of our field in response to the "twilight of neoliberalism" (Cox and Nilsen), ascendant right-wing nationalism at home (Trump) and abroad (Le Pen, Golden Dawn, UKIP), and hopeful radical uprisings (Black Lives Matter, Occupy Wall Street, Arab Spring). As such, the book tracks the emergence of a renewed left wing in rhetoric and activism post-2008, suggests how our work as teachers, scholars, and administrators can bring this new progressive framework into our institutions, and then moves outward to our role in activist campaigns that are reshaping public debate. Part history, part theory, this book will be an essential read for faculty, graduate students, and advanced undergraduate students in composition and rhetoric and related fields focused on progressive pedagogy, university-community partnerships, and politics.
[ES] pesar de que en América del Norte, el uso de la "pedagogía social" sea un fenómeno relativamente nuevo, las prácticas pedagógicas sociales existen desde hace mucho. El reciente interés despertado por el campo de la pedagogía social podría explicarse en parte por la publicación de un volumen sin precedentes de libros y artículos en inglés, la creación de una nueva revista internacional, el desarrollo simultáneo de programas de postgrado en pedagogía social en Reino Unido y EE.UU, y la creación de una asociación de pedagogía social que aúna académicos y profesionales. En América del Norte, la pedagogía social está influenciada por la historia del campo, por la teoría y la práctica actual de la pedagogía social en otras partes del mundo y por varias tradiciones que relacionan la educación con el cambio social. En este artículo se analizan diez de ellas: educación indígena, educación activa, aprendizaje en movimientos sociales, desarrollo comunitario, pedagogía pública, educación popular, investigación acción participativa (IAP), economía social, democracia participativa y teoría crítica. [EN] : In North America, the use of the term 'social pedagogy' is a relatively new phenomenon, but social pedagogical practices have been used for a long time. The recent interest in the field of social pedagogy can be explained in part by the publication of an unprecedented volume of books and articles in English language, the creation of a new international journal, the simultaneous development of graduate programs in social pedagogy in the UK and the USA, and the establishment of a social pedagogy association that brings together academics and practitioners. In North America, social pedagogy thinking is influenced by the history of the field, by current social pedagogy theory and practice in other parts of the world, and by several traditions that connect education with social change. The paper discusses ten of them: indigenous education, progressive education, social movement learning, community development, public pedagogy, popular education, participatory action research, social economy, participatory democracy, and critical theory.
At the beginning of the twentieth century in Bulgaria the developmentof the idea about art education has "common features" with the progressiveprocesses in other European countries, but is characterized with originality, which is determined by the national image and vitality of the Bulgarian art, influenced by the newly established National academy of art and from the democratic traditions in our enlightenment work. The article attempts a new reading of the "School Practice" journal, published in the period 1906 – 1912, which reflects bold and progressive for its time pedagogical ideas related to the utopian idea of the ideal school. The study of these progressive ideas for its time is based on historical retrospection, study and interpretation of selected articles published in the "School Practiceˮ journal.
Статья посвящена педагогическим идеям Каролины Пратт американского прогрессивного педагога и философа. В статье освещается жизненный путь мыслителя и ее вклад в решение ряда важных проблем образования, которые стоят в центре внимания российских и зарубежных исследователей. Кроме того, внимание автора сконцентрировано на анализе инновационных идей К. Пратт, затрагивающих проблемы демократического образования. ; The article deals with the pedagogical ideas of Caroline Pratt, a progressive American educator and philosopher. The article covers the life path of the thinker and her contribution to the solution of a number of important problems of education which are in the center of attention of the Russian and foreign scientists. Moreover, the author's attention is concentrated on the analysis of innovative ideas developed by C. Pratt which touch upon the issues of democratic education.
The study focuses on the influence of green behaviour based on the theory of planned behaviour (TPB). A conceptual model has been developed from TPB with additional factors linking green behaviour. A quantitative research method has been adopted. The data is gathered from a survey which has been administered by distributing questionnaires to 280 green consumers in Kuala-Lumpur, Malaysia. The data has been processed vis-à-vis the assessment of measurement and structural model using SmartPLSver3.0. The study contributable examines the role of predictive factors and how it influences green behaviour. Perceived behavioural control (PBC) and attitude dimensions are included as suggested by TPB. The results show that attitude and green culture positively influence green behaviour in TPB; whereas, PBC and awareness show no influence. The study shows the path to translate green culture and attitude to validate the TPB model. While the findings on green culture conform earlier studies, and indicate for a mixed collectivist society like Malaysia; where people showcase their belief while embracing green behaviour. The study further provides an insight to policymakers on how to increase awareness and improve progressive pedagogy on green behaviour.
AbstractThis paper examines changes between 1992 and 2010 in Japanese junior high school history textbooks' representations of imperial Japan's colonialism and aggression in Asia, using documentary study and interviews with actors in the textbook production process. Following a trend to increase textbook material on Japan's wartime aggression in the mid-1990s, after 2000 publishers approached this topic in contrasting ways, some expanding and some reducing their coverage, with dramatically varying results in terms of market share. Publishers' decisions on content were related to their market position and to changes in local textbook adoption procedures that have increased the decision-making power of appointed boards of education at the expense of teachers. Increased market share since 2000 is associated primarily with a progressive pedagogy in tune with recent curriculum reforms. The recent spotlight on textbook adoption has exposed weaknesses in the system, such as inadequate representation of the local community and insufficient guarantee of teachers' expert input in the adoption process. With the introduction of new textbook approval criteria requiring their conformity with the patriotic emphases of the revised Fundamental Law on Education of 2006, the content of future textbooks will clearly be strongly influenced by both approval and adoption processes.
"Education and Democratic Participation is an important and timely contribution to the emerging debate surrounding the value of educating citizens and communities in order to empower them to participate in democratic change. Responding to the effects of neo-liberal ideology on comprehensive education and public services, this book examines the purposes and conditions for reimagining an educated democracy. Arguing that social divisions and cultural misrecognition have intensified to the point of crisis, Ranson explains that a just society must create opportunities for diverse, cohesive and tolerant neighbourhoods to flourish. In order to achieve this, education will need to reimagine learners as prospective citizens and as cooperative makers of the democratic communities in which they live and work. Showing that participation in public forums, councils and associations can provide a real means of enabling members of different communities to learn how to respect and value one another, this book provides persuasive arguments that a broader pedagogy of democracy is needed to confront the common dilemmas facing society. This work is aimed at researchers, academics and postgraduates, particularly those lecturing and studying in the areas of education, the social sciences and politics. It will also appeal to professional and practitioner communities in school and college teaching, as well as in local authorities and related public services."--Provided by publisher.
In the Preface that Adolphe Ferrière affixed to Faria de Vasconcelos' book, A New School in Belgium, from 1915, he says that the School of Bierges-les-Wavre that the distinguished Portuguese pedagogue founded in 1912 (and that he had to abandon in 1914 force by the outbreak of the First World War) fulfilled 28 of the 30 programmatic points of the New School. Thus, the figure of Faria de Vasconcelos is established as a pillar of this movement of pedagogical renewal that swept, like a hurricane, the educational panorama, on the scale of the so-called Western world, in the first quarter of the 20th century. Faria de Vasconcelos was not a theorist, researcher and scientist of education. But insofar as he was an executive, who in Belgium, Switzerland, Cuba and Bolivia, exercised management functions in educational establishments, published several texts and apologetic articles of the New School, advised politicians (he is the backbone of educational reform that in Portugal became known as the Camoesas Reform), he was one of the authors of this Copernican revolution. In this article, we review a handbook that Faria de Vasconcelos produced in 1919 when he was director of the Normal School de Sucre, in Bolivia, designed to guide the training of teachers for the teaching of natural sciences. Handbook that was later published in 1923 in Portugal, with the same intention, in the framework of a collection of Didactics coordinated by him. In preparing this handbook, Faria de Vasconcelos reviews the best that had been written in the field of science education (the work focuses on the teaching of Biology and Geology), in Europe and the United States of America to retain, selectively, which best suits his pedagogical convictions, marked by the firm, and convinced commitment to the ideas of his friends and co-religionists at the Jean-Jacques Rousseau Institute in Geneva. Thus, this effort results in a syncretic text, but very useful to serve the agenda of updating primary school teachers, at its two levels, in terms of science education. This text also seeks to contextualize the work of Faria de Vasconcelos in the global framework of the reforms with which the First Republic sought to recover Portugal from the atavistic backwardness that characterized Portugal in the first quarter of the 20th century.
This special issue of Confero takes its start in an essay by John Mazarakis who presents an overarching perspective on the underpinning politics of transhumanism. Considering theoretical debates and differences in the transhumanist movement over the last two decades, Mazarakis proposes the emergence of two distinct political stances: the techno-progressive and the technolibertarian. Using Lyotardian concepts, Mazarakis questions the latent legacy of 'the grand narratives of modernism' and their potential to function as a basis for theorizing a transhuman future. ; QC 20220207
This special issue of Confero takes its start in an essay by John Mazarakis who presents an overarching perspective on the underpinning politics of transhumanism. Considering theoretical debates and differences in the transhumanist movement over the last two decades, Mazarakis proposes the emergence of two distinct political stances: the techno-progressive and the technolibertarian. Using Lyotardian concepts, Mazarakis questions the latent legacy of 'the grand narratives of modernism' and their potential to function as a basis for theorizing a transhuman future.
