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"Foreign services globally are undergoing fundamental and rapid gendered change, spurred on by shifting social and governance norms and even the adoption of an explicit feminist foreign policy in some stages. For some, this has resulted in women's rapidly increasingly representation at the frontlines of global governance. Yet, compounded by COVID-19, a rise in right-wing misogyny and extremism, and sometimes archaically slow-moving institutions, progress is marred by women's continued, entrenched under-representation in leadership and devastating experiences of challenges that have in some cases increased, not decreased, in recent years. Women remain frequently side-lined, marginalised, under-valued, and overlooked in international affairs. In short, international affairs has a gender problem, and remains one of the worst-performing sectors of the state. After studying women's leadership and gender relations across four international affairs agencies spanning diplomacy, defence, national security, policing, and intelligence, this book contributes empirical data from the last 30+ years on women's representation in a leading case context - Australia - to understand the disconnect between pockets of progress and undercurrents of resistance. Australia is a global leader in terms of representation of women and policy supports for gender equality in governance. Yet, Australia also demonstrates how deeply gendered, racialized, and heteronormative international institutions remain. Through in-depth interviews with almost 80 global leaders, including with Australia's first female prime minister, Julia Gillard, and first female foreign minister, Julie Bishop, this book delivers a much-needed Intersectional Feminist Institutionalist approach to trace the evolution of inequalities in international affairs and interrogate why women still remain under-represented in international affairs"--

The era of liberal interventionism is over, and the prevailing international discourse is once again about defending state borders and putting up walls. This broad re-assertion of sovereignty and non-intervention - often considered the normative foundation of the BRICS countries, of the Non-Aligned Movement, of Bandung, of the "Westphalian" South - raises a series of difficult questions, not least about the management of challenges shared by all. How are we to make sense of re-organisations of intervention and non-intervention in global order? Recently the dominant way of approaching these issues has been through the lens of cosmopolitan or liberal-solidarist duties, including the Responsibility to Protect. Yet it seems doubtful that this framework is still capable of posing the right questions or generating the right sorts of answers. This volume offers a new approach that provincializes the conventional debate, de-naturalises what it takes as universal or given, and lays out a series of alternatives at a time when non-intervention, quite suddenly, seems everywhere in the discourse of international society. It does so through a genealogy of the intervention concept since 1945. Intervention before Interventionism is about the ways in which statespeople have re-ordered intervention and non-intervention since the middle of the twentieth century; it is concerned primarily with non-Western contestations of Western-dominated order; it illustrates institutional change in and through decolonization; and it provides a conceptual roadmap for understanding dilemmas of intervention and non-intervention today, particularly in relation to contestation as it has re-emerged in the twenty-first century. While building upon and conversing with existing literature, the book stands out from previous approaches insofar as it is a mapping of international struggles for the re-constitution of intervention in the globalization of the society of states.

The Anglo-American Military Relationship explores military cooperation since the end of the Cold War. Much of the literature on the Anglo-American 'Special Relationship' has focused on the personal linkages between American Presidents and British Prime Ministers. This book argues that much of what is special between the two countries has resided in their military cooperation. This has provided the ballast that has underpinned other aspects of the political and economic relationship and given it durability.The book focuses on how the British armed services have worked alongside a superpower, in both peacetime and conflict. This military cooperation has been a challenging task, not least because it has occurred within a dynamic strategic context in which the nature of conflict has been evolving. British armed forces have engaged with their American allies in high intensity warfare, as well as in developing military doctrines to address insurgency, peace enforcement, and nation-building tasks. Working so closely with the US military has generated risks as well as benefits for Britain's armed forces. It has led them to engage in tasks that have weighed heavily upon their resources and has resulted in numerous tensions between the two sides.

"The Oxford Handbook of Historical Political Economy brings together scholars who are working on essential and field-shaping topics in this burgeoning area. Historical Political Economy (HPE) is the study of how political and economic actors and institutions have interacted over time. It differs from much of economic history in that it focuses on the causes and consequences of politics. It departs from much of conventional political economy in that its context is strictly historical, even if/when it has implications for contemporary political economy. It also departs from much of history in its use of social-scientific theory and methods. Thus, while HPE involves elements of the traditional fields of economics, political economy, and history, it is separate from-and integrative of-them. The Handbook includes contributions from leading scholars in political science, economics, sociology, and history. The first section summarizes the state of the field and provides an overview of the data and techniques typically used by HPE scholars. Subsequent chapters survey major HPE research areas in political economy, political science, and economics, as well as the long-run economic, political, and social consequences of historical political economy. Various chapters in the Handbook will be of interest to economists, political scientists, sociologists, historians, legal scholars, and public policy scholars who study political-economy issues and topics from a historical perspective. There are currently not many forums for scholars in these fields to interact and share ideas. The Oxford Handbook of Historical Political Economy ameliorates this issue, cutting across disciplinary lines and reducing the barriers to interdisciplinary discussions."

This core textbook is an accessible introduction to US Foreign Policy for undergraduate students. It provides a comprehensive examination of historical context and contemporary events, complete with a masterful presentation of important concepts and theoretical approaches. US Foreign Policy in a New Era has a unique emphasis on transnational issues, such as global health, the environment and terrorism, linking them together with the theme of a "web of connectivity". The author, Andrew Price-Smith, passed away soon after completing this text, and the text was finalized by a dedicated team of scholars.

This book offers a novel and interdisciplinary exploration of revolution as situated protest in Tunisia. Larbi Sadiki and Layla Saleh present extensive local evidence to demonstrate that popular resistance has been a mainstay of modern Tunisia before, during, and after colonialism. Protest makes peoplehood, and peoplehood makes protest: neither is self-contained. The book explores the rich history and diversity of insurrectionary politics in Tunisia from the onset of protests in the 1960s up to the 2011 Arab Spring revolution and beyond, exploring bottom-up activism (hirak) and revolution (thawrah). The six protestscapes presented in the volume (unions, student activists, the phosphate uprising, the 2010-11 revolution, Kamour, and football ultras) offer a novel way of examining partial 'moving snapshots' that are crucial to understanding revolution. They counter the prevailing narrative of revolution as leaderless, a spontaneous surprise with no historical pedigree or inherited learning, and depict instead an active citizenry whose collective memories are stamped by trials of anti-colonial and anti-dictatorial rebellion.

"Hidden Wars documents the gendered political violence that is frequently neglected or ignored in conventional analysis of war and conflict affecting how we understand conflict and which violence we prioritise with implications for post-war peace. Specifically, the book-length study examines the relationship between reports of sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV) and structural gender inequality in three conflict-affected societies in Asia (Burma, the Philippines, and Sri Lanka). It is based on extensive field research and analysis of an original dataset on conflict-related SGBV in each country. The longitudinal data is purposively contextualized within conflict dynamics, political struggles and local understandings of gender relations. Existing social science research shows that structural gender inequality is the most significant risk factor for SGBV. Building on this scholarship, the authors argue that the presence and type of SGBV in Asian civil conflicts reflect distinct and highly politicized, gendered societies. Scholars and policymakers are aware that reporting silence is a major problem for identifying and responding to SGBV. However, they rarely note the limitations of the data and our knowledge of who perpetrates and/or is a victim of SGBV, when and where, as a result, due to the politicized contexts of reporting and data collection on the ground. Hidden Wars addresses these real-world limitations by examining the social and political conditions - especially the reporting conditions - for SGBV. Localised patterns of SGBV and the prospects for its prevention in low-intensity conflict environments, like those predominant across Asia, are explicated"--

"Oceans Rise Empires Fall: Why Geopolitics Hastens Climate Change discusses how geopolitics affects climate change by highlighting its catastrophic effects. Even though states would prefer to reduce emissions in the abstract, they would always prioritize access to carbon-based fuels necessary for generating economic growth to compete with rival states. Thus, geopolitical competition ramps the difficulty of implementing effective climate change policies. Oceans Rise Empires Fall discusses how the Ukraine and Russia conflict exposed priorities such as territorial control and fossil fuel acquisition over a zero-carbon future. It explains that competitive territorial, resource, and technological dramas obscured the deterioration of the planet's life support systems"--

"This is a book about doing good qualitative research in the social sciences. In weaving together contributions by over forty experts, it presents a comprehensive approach to qualitative research by providing practical advice on carrying out a qualitative research project from start (i.e., finding the research question) to finish (i.e., finding a publishing venue). The chapters are short, accessibly written, and simultaneously engage with theoretical considerations and best practices. As such, each presents comprehensive and implementable information about qualitative methods based on first-person accounts of experiences in the research process. The chapters also include advice about the expected and unexpected challenges associated with doing qualitative work. The central goal of the text is to make qualitative research more "knowable" and accessible for any person-consumer, producer, researcher, reviewer, teacher, and student alike"--

"This book applies a systematic framework to explain the course, aftermath, and long-term lessons of the of the US intervention in Iraq. The work follows the rise and fall of violence and progress in building a new Iraq state across the 2003-2023 period. There are four sections. The first outlines an approach able to breakdown the basic components of complex, violent, internal conflicts. The second applies that framework to the period of US military occupation and presence, 2003-2011. The third examines the period after US withdrawal specifying the legacy of US military intervention, addressing the rapid takeover and slow defeat of the Islamic State in Iraq, and explaining the continued power of militias and the persistence of a weak Iraqi state. The fourth section concludes with general lessons gleaned from the Iraq experience, a consideration of political and cultural forces constraining US policymakers from learning those lessons, and informed speculation on the nature of future American military interventions"--

Cost-effectiveness analysis (CEA) plays an important role in health policy debates, helping to shape resource allocation and pricing decisions. Yet many economists also recognise that the current framework can offer misleading and incomplete results. Current CEA methods imply that health improvements are equally valuable to those in good health and poor health, which fails to recognise the increased value of health improvements for those with severe illness or disability. This book introduces the generalised risk-adjusted cost-effectiveness (GRACE) model as a more accurate method for determining the value of medical treatments and technologies.

Syrian Kurds and their Arab and Christian allies have embarked on one of the most radical experiments in self-governance of our time. In defiance of the Assad regime, the Islamic State, and regional autocrats, this unlikely coalition created a statelet to govern their semi-autonomous region. In Statelet of Survivors, Amy Austin Holmes charts the movement from its origins to what it has become today. Drawing from seven years of research trips to northern and eastern Syria, Holmes traces the genealogy of this social experiment to the Republic of Mount Ararat in Turkey, where a self-governing entity was proclaimed in 1927 based on solidarity between Kurds and Armenian genocide survivors. Founded by survivors of modern-day atrocities, the Autonomous Administration does more to empower women and minorities than any other region of Syria. Holmes analyzes its military and police forces, schools, the judicial system, the economic model it has implemented, and strategy of empowering women who were once enslaved by ISIS. An in-depth examination of the region Kurds call Rojava, this book tells the remarkable story of the people who both triumphed over ISIS and created a model of decentralized governance in Syria that could eventually be expanded if Assad were to ever fall.

Privatization of education has become a prevalent global trend, representing a significant shift from viewing education as a public good to considering it as a private commodity. This transformation is closely tied to the modernization of the state under the principles of neoliberalism. A comprehensive analysis, as presented in this book using Ball and Youdell's framework, sheds light on the diverse patterns of privatization in education, categorizing them into two types: exogenous and endogenous. The term 'exogenous' refers to policies that grant the private sector increased rights and authority to deliver education services. On the other hand, 'endogenous' pertains to policies aimed at making public schools operate more like businesses.

"This book seeks the moral roots of America's antidrug regime and debunks claims early antidrug laws arose from racial animus. The moral roots trace to early Christian sexual strictures. Augustine condemned sex as indulging beastly appetites and suspending Godlike reason. The demands of procreation excuse indulgence but only as necessary. Puritans similarly condemned drunkenness as suspending reason and rendering persons bestial. Yet alcohol too was deemed necessary-as a foodstuff, sanitary beverage, and pain and cold remedy. One could use alcohol as necessary, never to intoxicate. Saint Thomas Aquinas defined temperance, drinking in moderation, as a moral safe harbor. These principles largely defined temperance debates in England and America, helping make and unmake England's eighteenth-century gin ban and American national prohibition. The regime that followed embraced alcohol's social necessity, permitting drinking in moderation. Other drugs can't easily strike this moral balance. Nineteenth-century Chinese opium dens served no apparent need and seemed to allow no subintoxicating use. Worse opium was thought a sexual stimulant, ruining respectable young women. Hence lawmakers banned opium dens and later cocaine and cannabis. Lawmakers distinguished necessary medical use from recreational abuse by criminalizing sales unless prescribed. Early antidrug laws rarely rose from racial strife. They sprang from the traditional moral censure of intoxication and perceived threats to respectable white women and youth. Today's drug war's racial dynamic differs greatly. As harsher penalties swell prisons with mostly nonwhite dealers, antidrug laws suffer attack as tools of racial oppression, helping tip public opinion toward legalizing marijuana"--