AbstractThe ever closer collaboration between intergovernmental organisations (IGOs) and non-governmental organisations (NGOs) is empirically well described but poorly theorised. In this article I develop a general theoretical framework for analysing emergent patterns of cooperation between IGOs and NGOs, which may be used to generate hypotheses or guide comparatives studies. The starting point is a conception of organisational actors as purposeful but resource-dependent. The article then combines a 'resource exchange perspective' from organisational sociology with the model of a policy cycle from comparative politics. The result is a theoretical framework that allows to identify incentives for, as well as obstacles to, IGO-NGO cooperation along all phases of the policy cycle. In a concluding section the limits of this model and the underlying assumptions are discussed.
The recruitment and use of child soldiers creates a lasting tear in society, and none so severely as the civil war in the Democratic Republic of Congo. It is estimated that there are 310,000 children who are associated or formerly associated with armed forces or groups. Many (both girls and boys) experience sexual violence prior, during and/or following their association. As Arpita Mitra described in her paper, the scale of the tragedy is both widespread and brutal. She argues that despite the huge sums of financial assistance poured into the area for Disarmament, Demobilization, and Reintegration (DDR) programming, the implementation has failed to meet its goals.
In: Comparative population studies: CPoS ; open acess journal of the Federal Institute for Population Research = Zeitschrift für Bevölkerungsforschung, Band 38, Heft 4, S. 807-840
"Recent reform efforts of advanced welfare states have attempted to reverse trends in early retirement and increase the statutory retirement age. This paradigm shift often occurred against the protest of unions, firms and their employees. As a consequence of expanding welfare states and as response to economic challenges since the 1970s early exit from work has become a widespread practice. Early retirement has been part of Continental Europe's welfare without work problem, while the Scandinavian welfare states, the Anglophone liberal economies and the Japanese welfare society were able to maintain higher levels of employment for older workers. Since the 1990s, an international consensus to reverse early exit from work emerged among international organisations and national policy experts. Based on a comparative historical analysis of selected OECD countries, this study analyses the cross-national variations in the institutionalisation of early exit regimes and its recent reversal using macro-indictors on early exit trends and stylised information on institutional arrangements. Comparing the interaction of social policy and economic institutions, it reviews the cross-national differences in welfare state 'pull' and economic 'push' factors that have contributed to early exit from work and discusses the likely impact of welfare retrenchment and assesses the importance of 'retention' factors such as activation policies for decreasing early exit from work." (author's abstract)
Which national characteristics do voluntary migrants prioritize when considering destinations? Although this question is salient for policymakers, extant studies face challenges when seeking to identify how various pull factors shape destination preferences. Surveys of migrants are typically conducted after they arrive, introducing selection bias and post-hoc reasoning. Moreover, desirable national characteristics tend to co-vary, implying that observed relationships with migration flows may be confounded. In this article, we identify the destination preferences of prospective migrants by drawing on a sample of 8,500 respondents from five sending states across the Middle East and North Africa. Prospective migrants completed a series of conjoint survey tasks in which they chose between two destinations with randomly varying characteristics. The results reveal a clear hierarchy of preferences, with prospective migrants placing the greatest priority on liberal democratic governance and employment prospects. The availability of welfare benefits acted as a secondary consideration, while geographic distance and co-ethnic stock did not strongly predict initial destination preferences. While the rank order of these considerations remains consistent across national samples, our results suggest that respondents from different economic and political backgrounds vary in how they navigate potential tradeoffs between national characteristics. These findings address post-arrival bias in extant studies by revealing prospective migrants' preferences before they interact with the opportunity structures that facilitate and restrict entry into desirable destinations.
AbstractThe public sector is under pressure to provide new public services with increasingly scarce resources. In response, practitioners and academics have called for more innovation in the public sector. Our understanding of sources of innovation within public sector organizations, however, is inadequate. Motivated by this gap, we develop a conceptual model of how push and pull sources enable innovation within public sector organizations. Key to our theory is that push and pull sources of innovation are enabled by innovation capabilities. Five hypotheses are tested using cross‐country survey data from European public sector organizations. Empirical analysis offers strong support for the central role played by innovation capability in enabling push and pull sources of innovation within public sector organizations. This article advances knowledge of the sources of innovation in the public sector and extends theorizing on push and pull mechanisms by examining their relevance to innovation in a public sector context.
Movement is an integral part of human existence. While talking about transborder migration from Bangladesh to India, we are, however, aware that this is a controversial subject. The partition of Bengal in 1947 was the cruelest partition in the history of the world and caused forced illegal migration from erstwhile East Pakistan. It is estimated that there are about 15 million Bangladeshi nationals living in India illegally. West Bengal has a border running 2,216 km along Bangladesh. The present study highlights push-pull factors of illegal Bangladeshi migration based on perceptions of respondents obtained from a qualitative survey done on the basis of purposive sampling in Kolkata and 24 parganas and two districts of West Bengal (WB), an Indian State. The economic push factors that motivate people to leave Bangladesh are instability and economic depression, poverty, lack of employment opportunity, struggle for livelihood, forced grabbing of landed property from minority group, and lack of industrialization in Bangladesh. About 56% of the respondents expressed that lack of industrialisation/lack of employment/economic insecurity would be the probable cause of this migration. Among the demographic factors, population explosion in Bangladesh and lowest human development index may be the most important cause of illegal migration from Bangladesh to West Bengal. Hindu minority group faced problems in connection with matrimonial alliances. Educational curricula, which were framed according to Islamic preaching and curtailment of facilities enjoyed by Hindu minority group, were responsible factor for illegal migration of Hindu minority population. Another cause is social insecurity. Political instability, fear of riots and terrorism in Bangladesh, inhuman attitude and activities of the political leaders, absence of democratic rights, Muslim domination, religious instigation by political leaders, insecurity feeling of Hindus, are the major crucial issues that require to be mentioned as political push factors. About 59% of the respondents are of the opinion that religious fundamentalists/insecurity of the minority group/discriminating law and order against Hindus may be the factors that motivated migration from Bangladesh to West Bengal. In terms of ethnic cleansing, one can witness elimination of groups of minorities by dominant ethnic group, curbing their rights controlling their influence in a state's system. Double standards are observed in punishing criminals. Police officials do not record complaints from minority community. According to 85% of the respondent economic opportunity in terms of job opportunity, economic security prevailing in West Bengal worked as pull factors for migrants to West Bengal. Geographic proximity of Bangladesh and West Bengal, the linguistics and cultural similarities, same food habit, homo-ethnic climate, belief of getting shelter, cordiality, fellow-feeling, acceptance power of people of West Bengal have contributed to the movements of population from Bangladesh to West Bengal.
Movement is an integral part of human existence. While talking about transborder migration from Bangladesh to India, we are, however, aware that this is a controversial subject. The partition of Bengal in 1947 was the cruelest partition in the history of the world and caused forced illegal migration from erstwhile East Pakistan. It is estimated that there are about 15 million Bangladeshi nationals living in India illegally. West Bengal has a border running 2,216 km along Bangladesh. The present study highlights push-pull factors of illegal Bangladeshi migration based on perceptions of respondents obtained from a qualitative survey done on the basis of purposive sampling in Kolkata and 24 parganas and two districts of West Bengal (WB), an Indian State. The economic push factors that motivate people to leave Bangladesh are instability and economic depression, poverty, lack of employment opportunity, struggle for livelihood, forced grabbing of landed property from minority group, and lack of industrialization in Bangladesh. About 56% of the respondents expressed that lack of industrialisation/lack of employment/economic insecurity would be the probable cause of this migration. Among the demographic factors, population explosion in Bangladesh and lowest human development index may be the most important cause of illegal migration from Bangladesh to West Bengal. Hindu minority group faced problems in connection with matrimonial alliances. Educational curricula, which were framed according to Islamic preaching and curtailment of facilities enjoyed by Hindu minority group, were responsible factor for illegal migration of Hindu minority population. Another cause is social insecurity. Political instability, fear of riots and terrorism in Bangladesh, inhuman attitude and activities of the political leaders, absence of democratic rights, Muslim domination, religious instigation by political leaders, insecurity feeling of Hindus, are the major crucial issues that require to be mentioned as political push factors. About 59% of the respondents are of the opinion that religious fundamentalists/insecurity of the minority group/discriminating law and order against Hindus may be the factors that motivated migration from Bangladesh to West Bengal. In terms of ethnic cleansing, one can witness elimination of groups of minorities by dominant ethnic group, curbing their rights controlling their influence in a state's system. Double standards are observed in punishing criminals. Police officials do not record complaints from minority community. According to 85% of the respondent economic opportunity in terms of job opportunity, economic security prevailing in West Bengal worked as pull factors for migrants to West Bengal. Geographic proximity of Bangladesh and West Bengal, the linguistics and cultural similarities, same food habit, homo-ethnic climate, belief of getting shelter, cordiality, fellow-feeling, acceptance power of people of West Bengal have contributed to the movements of population from Bangladesh to West Bengal.
In: Comparative population studies: CPoS ; open acess journal of the Federal Institute for Population Research = Zeitschrift für Bevölkerungsforschung, Band 38, Heft 4, S. 841-879
"Jüngere Reformbemühungen moderner Wohlfahrtsstaaten hatten eine Umkehr des Frühverrentungstrends zum Ziel und waren mit einer Erhöhung der Regelaltersgrenze für den Übergang in den Ruhestand verbunden. Dieser Paradigmenwechsel geschah häufig gegen den Protest von Gewerkschaften, Unternehmen und deren Mitarbeitern. Infolge des zunehmenden Ausbaus von Wohlfahrtsstaaten sowie als Reaktion auf die wirtschaftlichen Herausforderungen seit den 1970er Jahren hatte sich der frühe Erwerbsausstieg zu einer weitverbreiteten Praxis entwickelt. Die Frühverrentung stellte dabei einen wesentlichen Bestandteil des kontinentaleuropäischen Problems der 'Wohlfahrt ohne Arbeit' dar, während die skandinavischen Wohlfahrtsstaaten, die liberalen englischsprachigen Volkswirtschaften und der japanische Wohlfahrtsstaat höhere Beschäftigungsquoten älterer Arbeitnehmer aufrechterhalten konnten. Seit den 1990er Jahren entstand ein internationaler Konsens zwischen internationalen Organisationen und nationalen Politikexperten im Hinblick auf die Notwendigkeit einer Trendwende bei der Frühverrentung. Auf der Basis einer vergleichenden historischen Analyse ausgewählter OECD-Länder untersuchen wir im Rahmen dieser Studie anhand von Makroindikatoren über Frühverrentungstrends und stilisierten Daten über institutionelle Strukturen die länderübergreifenden Unterschiede im Hinblick auf die Institutionalisierung von Frühverrentungssystemen sowie die jüngste Trendwende in diesem Bereich. Durch einen Vergleich des Zusammenspiels von Sozialpolitik und wirtschaftlichen Institutionen untersuchen wir die länderübergreifenden Unterschiede zwischen wohlfahrtsstaatlichen 'Pull'-Faktoren und wirtschaftlichen "Push"-Faktoren, die zu einem frühen Erwerbsausstieg beigetragen haben. Gleichzeitig befasst sich der Beitrag mit den potentiellen Auswirkungen des Rückbaus wohlfahrtsstaatlicher Leistungen sowie der Bedeutung von 'Integrationsfaktoren' (wie etwa Aktivierungsmaßnahmen) im Hinblick auf eine Reduzierung frühzeitiger Erwerbsausstiege." (Autorenreferat)