Suchergebnisse

The analysis of the speech of the leader galleguista Alfonso R. Castelao, declared in 1944 towards the Galician and Spanish community of Buenos Aires, it will allow to observe the discursive image that the speaker presents of yes same, opposite to that one. From the act enunciativo select, one will examine, first, the present frictions between a centralist conception of the Spanish State and the Galician nationalism. Secondly, the tensions will be investigated to the interior of the Galician collectivity, in relation with the diverse political - ideological used orientations: on the one hand, the sector linked to the political left side and on the other hand, the nationalistic Galician sector, of which Castelao was his maximum representative. In sum, we can emphasize two principal aims of the speech, linked to the attempts of the enunciador: first, of marking the existence of the Galician nationality and I come second, of be positioning as the authority to define his intrinsic features, while leader and representative of the Galician people. ; El análisis del discurso del líder galleguista Alfonso R. Castelao, pronunciado en 1944 hacia la comunidad galaica y española de Buenos Aires, permitirá observar la imagen discursiva que el orador presenta de sí mismo, frente a aquella. A partir del acto enunciativo escogido, se examinará, en primer lugar, las fricciones presentes entre una concepción centralista del Estadoespañol y el nacionalismo galaico. En segundo lugar, se indagarán las tensiones al interior de la colectividad galaica, en relación con las diversas orientaciones político-ideológicas esgrimidas: por un lado, el sector vinculado a la izquierda política y por otro lado, el sector nacionalista gallego, del cual Castelao era su máximo representante. En suma, podemos destacar dos objetivosprincipales del discurso, vinculados a los intentos del enunciador: primero, de marcar la existencia de la nacionalidad galaica y segundo, de posicionarse como la autoridad para definir sus rasgos intrínsecos, en tanto líder y representante del pueblo gallego.

This paper aims to assess the different arguments that have been put forward to explain the duty of poverty relief in Kant´s political philosophy. Firstly we will develop, articulate and criticize several attempts to justify the said duty from minimal conceptions of the State, instrumental considerations or the value of human dignity. We will then examine the most promising arguments that link the duty of poverty relief with Kant´s republicanism. As all the previous arguments seem to fail their task, we will conclude the paper trying to develop the structure of a stronger argument in favor of the duty of poverty relief based on the concept of "Original Common Possesion". ; Este trabajo tiene por objetivo evaluar los distintos argumentos que se han elaborado para explicar el deber de asistencia a los pobres en la filosofía política kantiana. En primer lugar, nos concentraremos en desarrollar, puntualizar y criticar los intentos de justificación de dicho deber a partir de concepciones minimalistas del Estado, consideraciones instrumentales o apelaciones al valor de la dignidad humana. Acto seguido, examinaremos los principales argumentos de corte republicano que se han elaborado a los mismos efectos. Dado que unos y otros se muestran insatisfactorios, intentaremos esbozar la estructura de un argumento más robusto en favor del deber de asistencia a los pobres a partir del concepto de "posesión común originaria del suelo".

Este trabajo tiene por objetivo evaluar los distintos argumentos que se han elaborado para explicar el deber de asistencia a los pobres en la filosofía política kantiana. En primer lugar, nos concentraremos en desarrollar, puntualizar y criticar los intentos de justificación de dicho deber a partir de concepciones minimalistas del Estado, consideraciones instrumentales o apelaciones al valor de la dignidad humana. Acto seguido, examinaremos los principales argumentos de corte republicano que se han elaborado a los mismos efectos. Dado que unos y otros se muestran insatisfactorios, intentaremos esbozar la estructura de un argumento más robusto en favor del deber de asistencia a los pobres a partir del concepto de "posesión común originaria del suelo". ; This paper aims to assess the different arguments that have been put forward to explain the duty of poverty relief in Kant´s political philosophy. Firstly we will develop, articulate and criticize several attempts to justify the said duty from minimal conceptions of the State, instrumental considerations or the value of human dignity. We will then examine the most promising arguments that link the duty of poverty relief with Kant´s republicanism. As all the previous arguments seem to fail their task, we will conclude the paper trying to develop the structure of a stronger argument in favor of the duty of poverty relief based on the concept of "Original Common Possesion". ; Fil: Oliveira, Martín. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina. Universidad de Buenos Aires; Argentina

The Argentine political field of the 21st century has developed in the light of social and cultural modifications both globally and in the local particularity. In line with the above, this century is the scene of the emergence of a new political conformation: Republican Proposal (PRO). Said group is presented with a making and communicating politics´logic different from traditional forms.In this sense, I wonder about the ideological framework and the social values on which the PRO builds a new electoral base. In this way, I seek to investigate the social cohesion of those represented by said political party, focusing on the republican spirit as a builder of a new identity. To do this, I take as a source of study the latest publications of the main political consultants of the mentioned political group, Jaime Durán Barba and Santiago Nieto. Based on the content analysis of their latest publications, as well as conducting an interview with the second consultant, I will seek to account for such political construction.From the aforementioned, I understand the relevance of these lines of research, as it is a proposal postulated as overcoming the divisions of traditional politics. Then, being a new electoral base of ordinary citizens who do not question certain state policies, but who vote convinced a project of a republican country and respectful of a valuation fee. In this way, I seek to contribute to the field of political sociology in Argentina today, as well as to its articulation with spiritual transformations. ; El campo político argentino del siglo XXI se ha desarrollado a la luz de modificaciones sociales y culturales tanto a nivel mundial como en la particularidad local. En consonancia con lo anterior, el presente siglo es escenario del surgimiento de una nueva conformación política: Propuesta Republicana (PRO). La misma es presentada con lógicas de hacer y comunicar la política, diferentes a las formas tradicionales. En este sentido, me pregunto por el marco ideológico y los valores sociales sobre los que el PRO construye una nueva base electoral. De esta forma, busco indagar en la cohesión social de los representados por dicho partido político, centrándome en el espíritu republicano como constructor de una nueva identidad. Para ello, tomo como fuente de estudio las últimas publicaciones de los principales consultores políticos del mencionado grupo político, Jaime Durán Barba y Santiago Nieto. A partir del análisis de contenido de sus últimas publicaciones, así como de la realización de una entrevista al segundo consultor, buscaré dar cuenta de dicha construcción política.A partir de lo mencionado, entiendo la pertinencia de dichas líneas de investigación, al tratarse de una propuesta postulada como superadora de las divisiones de la política tradicional. Luego, al ser una nueva base electoral de ciudadanos comunes que no cuestionan ciertas políticas estatales, pero que votan convencidos un proyecto de país republicano y respetuoso de un canon valorativo. De esta forma, busco aportar al campo de la sociología política en la actualidad argentina, así como a su articulación con las transformaciones espirituales.

Este artículo se centra en el exilio republicano y más concretamente en los esfuerzos del último Jefe del Gobierno de la República -Juan Negrín- y el último Ministro de Estado -Julio Álvarez del Vayo- para promover la causa republicana en el exilio desde 1939 hasta 1952. Ambos políticos actuaron casi siempre sincronizados y, hasta 1945, se postularon como los legítimos representantes del gobierno republicano. A tal fin actuaron como grupo de presión ante las potencias aliadas y los principales organismos internacionales, además de centrar su actividad en la conquista de la opinión pública internacional. ; This article deals with the Spanish Republic exile, specifically the efforts of Juan Negrín –former Prime Minister– and Julio Alvarez del Vayo –former Foreign Minister– to promote the Republican cause in the exile during the years 1939 to l952. Both politicians acted almost always in much the same way and they claimed until 1945 to be the legitimate representatives of the Spanish republican government. To that end, as a pressure group, they aimed to be recognized by the Allied powers, the main international institutions and by international public opinion.

In this work, we intend to provide a broad overview of Ancient Italian pantheons from the Republican age through the study of god names. Our study focuses on theonymic groups from the three main Italic langages, which possess to this day the largest epigraphical corpus, i.e. Oscan, Umbrian and Latin. On the Oscan side, the Tablet of Agnone bears testimony of a profoundly Hellenized background, but its structure also reveals typically Italic theological features as well as theonyms. Similar features can be found in the Roman world and other Oscan corpora, especially the sanctuary of Mefitis at Rossano di Vaglio, which is central in our study. One may notice, for example, the common association of agrarian divinities to military contexts, or the importance of feminine divinities, which elude trifunctional classification. Unlike the tablet of Agnone or the Pietrabbondante sanctuary, which bear more significant traces of Roman influence, the sanctuary of Rossano seems to present a more indigenous set of theonyms – although we have to keep in mind that the site also belongs to Hellenized territory, as confirmed/demonstrated by archeological research. On the Umbrian side, the Iguvine Tablets reveal a complex theology, and some features which are very similar to what we can find in Latin and Etruscan worlds – the latter showing significant Italic influence in its theonymy. Finally, comparisons with Latin corpora, such as the pocola deorum ceramics collection from Latium, and with Faliscan and Praenestine Latin, confirm the major part played by exchanges between Italic, Greek, and Etruscan theologies. This work also demonstrates how these exchanges rely on specific linguistic processes, viz. borrowings, morphosemantic calques, translations, syncretism and interpretations. ; Le présent ouvrage entend proposer une vision d'ensemble des panthéons de l'Italie antique d'époque républicaine, à travers l'étude des ensembles théonymiques des trois principales langues italiques dont l'épigraphie nous a laissé de nombreuses ...

The present article studies the periodicals and magazines published during the Chinese Republican period (1912-1949). The main sources for this work are the index and thirty volumes of the Republican Era Collection of National Arts Periodicals (Mingguo Guoshu Qi Kan Wenxian Jicheng), edited by Shi Yong Xing in 2008. Besides basic data about the 45 publications included in the collection such as title, editor, publication information and period of existence; this article emphasises the historical context in which these publications appeared as well as their efforts to help China becoming a nation recognized at the world stage. As an example of the wealth of information contained in these periodicals regarding Chinese martial arts, we have analyzed the terminology that was used to define them, the publications' contribution to exalt nationalism up to their influence in strengthening of China's citizens and military. ; El presente artículo estudia las revistas y periódicos de temática marcial publicados en China durante el periodo republicano (1912–1949). Las fuentes principales del estudio han sido el índice y los treinta volúmenes de la Colección de Periódicos de Artes Nacionales del Periodo Republicano (Mingguo Guoshu Qi Kan Wenxian Jicheng), editados por Shi Yong Xing en el año 2008. Además de diversos datos básicos referentes a cada una de las 45 publicaciones localizadas (título, editor, lugar de publicación y permanencia), el trabajo hace hincapié en el contexto en que se produce esta eclosión de publicaciones marciales, caracterizado por los intentos de China por surgir como una nación digna de ser reconocida en el teatro mundial. A modo de ejemplo de la riqueza de informaciones contenidas en estas revistas y periódicos, se analizan diversos aspectos específicos sobre las artes marciales del periodo, desde su propia definición hasta su contribución a la exaltación del espíritu nacionalista chino, a la preparación del ejército y en general al fortalecimiento de la nación. ; O presente artigo estuda as revistas e os periódicos de temática marcial publicadas na China durante o período republicano (1912-1949). A fonte principal do estudo foi o índice de trinta volumes da Colecção de Periódicos das Artes Nacionais do Período Republicano (Mingguo Guoshu Qi Kan Wenxian Jicheng), editados por Shi Yong Xing, no ano de 2008. Para além de diversos dados básicos referentes a cada uma das 45 publicações encontradas (título, editor, local de publicação e periodicidade), o trabalho enfatiza o contexto em que se produz essa eclosão de publicações marciais, caracterizado pelos intentos da China surgir como uma nação digna de ser reconhecida no palco mundial. A título de exemplo, procura-se analisar a riqueza de informações contidas nestas revistas e periódicos, os diversos aspectos específicos sobre as artes marciais desse período, desde a sua própria definição até a sua contribuição para a exaltação do espírito nacionalista chinês, bem como a preparação dos exércitos e, em geral, do fortalecimento da nação.

The Revolution of 1868, from its origin to its end, generated a series of circumstances which forced the different political factions to adapt and rebuild their party identities. In that fast succession of scenarios and situations, Iberism constituted a powerful tool that both progressives and democrats first, and republicans later, would use in different moments of the revolutionary process. A principle which became an essential part of their corresponding political cultures and helped to define their particular collective imaginaries. The Iberian Union project was a useful and effective travel companion during the complex trajectories that these political factions had to confront, especially in the phases prior to their access to the government, becoming one of the main ingredients of the idea of revolution defended by them. However, it also turned out to be a difficult element to control and assimilate, once the power had been accomplished, in the creation of the new political structures that they had to undertake. An uncomfortable witness which was avoided, from monarchic parties to republicans, without it being possible to face ― much less to achieve― the desires and dreams liberalism promised: neither an Iberian monarchy nor a republican Iberia. ; La revolución de 1868, desde su génesis hasta su fin, generó una serie de escenarios en los que las distintas fuerzas políticas se vieron obligadas a adaptar y reconstruir sus identidades partidarias. En esa rápida sucesión de planos y situaciones, el iberismo constituyó un poderoso instrumento que progresistas y demócratas en el inicio, y los republicanos después, vinieron a utilizar en distintos momentos del proceso revolucionario. Un principio que llegó a formar parte sustancial de sus respectivas culturas políticas y que ayudó a definir sus particulares imaginarios colectivos. El proyecto de unión ibérica fue un útil y eficaz compañero de viaje en las complejas trayectorias que estas fracciones políticas tuvieron que recorrer, especialmente en las fases previas de su acceso al gobierno, resultando uno de los ingredientes principales de la idea de revolución que defendieron. Pero también se convirtió en un elemento difícil de articular y de digerir, una vez alcanzado el poder, en la construcción de las nuevas estructuras políticas que tuvieron que acometer. Un incómodo testigo que fue pasando de manos, de los partidos monárquicos a los republicanos, sin que pudieran afrontarse ―y mucho menos cumplirse― los anhelos y sueños que el iberismo prometía: ni una monarquía ibérica ni una Iberia republicana.

During the Spanish Civil War (1936-1938), large masses of people left their homes in order to avoid repressive actions of a political nature. A large part of the refugees were redistributed among the different locations of the republican rear. The article focuses on the more than 20,000 people who were relocated throughout the province of Castellón de la Plana. What were the main areas of origin? What means of transport did they use? How were they distributed among the different localities? Which institutions took charge of its management? In what conditions were they welcomed? Was there good coexistence between the hosts and the newcomers? Who took care of the children? In what circumstances was the subsequent evacuation of the municipalities of Castellón carried out? In short, we will analyze everything related to this collective subject, which were the refugees, in the territorial context of Castellón. ; Durante la Guerra Civil Española (1936-1938), grandes masas de población abandonaron su hogar con el objetivo de evitar acciones represivas de carácter político. Gran parte de los refugiados fueron redistribuidos entre las diferentes localidades de la retaguardia republicana. El artículo se centra en las más de 20.000 personas que fueron reubicadas a lo largo y ancho de la provincia de Castellón de la Plana. ¿Cuales fueron las principales zonas de procedencia? ¿Qué medios de transporte usaron? ¿Cómo se repartieron entre las diferentes localidades? ¿Qué instituciones se hicieron cargo de su gestión? ¿En qué condiciones fueron acogidos? ¿Hubo buena convivencia entre los anfitriones y los recién llegados? ¿Quién se ocupó de los niños? ¿En qué circunstancias se realizó la posterior evacuación de los municipios de Castellón? En definitiva, analizaremos todo aquello referente a este sujeto colectivo, que fueron los refugiados, en el contexto territorial de Castellón.

Summary: The main objective of this article is to continue to promote the use of the written press as a source to rebuild historical thinking in a specific place. In this case, the study focuses on the city and port of Campeche, when it was still a district of the state of Yucatan in the early years of independent Mexico. We proposed to understand what the political class of Campechana thought about the debate on anti-ispanic campaigns in the emerging country, as well as its position on the adoption of the republican system of government through the written press (Investigator, Aguila triunfante and El Mentor). For us, it is very important to analyse this period, as there are thematic gaps in local history, and we believe that, by rescuing the local thinking reflected in the newspapers cited above, we help to understand the way in which the nation state was built from the periphery. ; Resumen: El objetivo principal del presente artículo es continuar fomentando el uso de la prensa escrita como fuente para reconstruir el pensamiento histórico en un lugar en específico. En este caso, el estudio se concreta a la ciudad y puerto de Campeche, cuando aún era distrito del estado de Yucatán en los primeros años del México independiente. Nos propusimos entender qué pensaba la clase política porteña campechana sobre el debate en torno a las campañas antihispánicas emprendidas en el naciente país, así como su postura respecto a la adopción del sistema republicano de gobierno por medio de la prensa escrita (El Investigador, La Aguila Triunfante y El Mentor). Para nosotros, es muy importante el análisis de este periodo, pues en la historiografía local existen vacíos temáticos, y consideramos que, rescatando el pensamiento local reflejado en los periódicos citados, contribuimos a entender la forma en la que se construyó el Estado-nación desde la periferia.

The article describes and analyzes the set of public interventions by the Republican Party through its leader, José Antonio Kast, during one of Chile's most intense socio-political crises in 2019. We examined these interventions from recording, classifying, and analyzing lexical frequencies, binary oppositions, identity relations, and privileged topics possible to observe in the messages generated between October 2019 and March 2020. Our study concludes that the Republican Party deepened the antagonistic character of its political discourse and its position within the margins of the "radical right." At the same time, it chose to place itself at the margin of the dispute to represent the social demands that emerged during that period. ; El articulo describe y analiza el conjunto de intervenciones públicas producidas por el Partido Republicano a través de su principal lí­der, José Antonio Kast, durante el perí­odo más intenso de la crisis socio-polí­tica chilena del año 2019. Estas intervenciones fueron abordadas a partir del registro, clasificación y análisis de las frecuencias léxicas, oposiciones binarias, relaciones de identidad y tópicos privilegiados posibles de observar en los mensajes generados durante el perí­odo que media entre los meses de octubre de 2019 y marzo de 2020. El artí­culo concluye que, durante el perí­odo estudiado, el Partido Republicano profundizó el carácter antagónico de su discurso polí­tico y su ubicación dentro de los márgenes de lo que se conoce como la "derecha radical", al mismo tiempo que debilitó su capacidad de ampliación hacia espacios sociales diversos al núcleo identitario clásico de la derecha chilena. ; O artigo descreve e analisa o conjunto de intervenções públicas produzidas pelo Partido Republicano através de seu principal líder, José Antonio Kast, durante o período mais intenso da crise sociopolítica chilena de 2019. Estas intervenções foram abordadas a partir do registro, classificação e análise das frequências léxicas, oposições binárias, relações de identidade e tópicos privilegiados possíveis de observar nas mensagens geradas entre os meses de outubro de 2019 e março de 2020. O artigo conclui que durante o período estudado, o Partido Republicano aprofundou o caráter antagônico de seu discurso político e seu posicionamento dentro daquilo que se conhece como "direita radical", ao mesmo tempo que optou por se situar à margem da disputa pela representação das demandas sociais emergidas durante tal período.

In this work, we intend to provide a broad overview of Ancient Italian pantheons from the Republican age through the study of god names. Our study focuses on theonymic groups from the three main Italic langages, which possess to this day the largest epigraphical corpus, i.e. Oscan, Umbrian and Latin. On the Oscan side, the Tablet of Agnone bears testimony of a profoundly Hellenized background, but its structure also reveals typically Italic theological features as well as theonyms. Similar features can be found in the Roman world and other Oscan corpora, especially the sanctuary of Mefitis at Rossano di Vaglio, which is central in our study. One may notice, for example, the common association of agrarian divinities to military contexts, or the importance of feminine divinities, which elude trifunctional classification. Unlike the tablet of Agnone or the Pietrabbondante sanctuary, which bear more significant traces of Roman influence, the sanctuary of Rossano seems to present a more indigenous set of theonyms – although we have to keep in mind that the site also belongs to Hellenized territory, as confirmed/demonstrated by archeological research. On the Umbrian side, the Iguvine Tablets reveal a complex theology, and some features which are very similar to what we can find in Latin and Etruscan worlds – the latter showing significant Italic influence in its theonymy. Finally, comparisons with Latin corpora, such as the pocola deorum ceramics collection from Latium, and with Faliscan and Praenestine Latin, confirm the major part played by exchanges between Italic, Greek, and Etruscan theologies. This work also demonstrates how these exchanges rely on specific linguistic processes, viz. borrowings, morphosemantic calques, translations, syncretism and interpretations. ; Le présent ouvrage entend proposer une vision d'ensemble des panthéons de l'Italie antique d'époque républicaine, à travers l'étude des ensembles théonymiques des trois principales langues italiques dont l'épigraphie nous a laissé de nombreuses attestations de date contemporaine : osque, ombrien, latin. Dans le domaine osque, l'inscription de la Table d'Agnone révèle selon nous une forte empreinte de l'hellénisme, mais son organisation met également en lumière des faits théologiques, et des théonymes, proprement italiques, que l'on retrouve par exemple dans le monde latin, et dans d'autres corpus osques : ainsi dans le sanctuaire de Rossano di Vaglio, nous observons de telles de convergences italiques, comme l'association du monde agraire au domaine militaire, ainsi que des figures de divinités féminines qui échappent aux grilles de classification trifonctionnelle. À la différence de la Table d'Agnone, ainsi que du sanctuaire de Pietrabbondante qui marque vraisemblablement une plus grande influence romaine, celui de Rossano présente des divinités qui semblent davantage indigènes ; pourtant la dimension hellénisée d'un tel sanctuaire ne doit pas non plus être mise à l'écart, elle est par ailleurs confirmée par l'archéologie. Dans le domaine ombrien, les Tables Eugubines et leurs nombreuses divinités révèlent une théologie complexe, qui montre de nombreux points de comparaison avec le monde latin, mais vraisemblablement également avec le monde étrusque, dont la théonymie est intrinsèquement liée, pour une partie du panthéon du moins, aux langues italiques. Enfin, la comparaison avec les corpus de divinités du monde latin, notamment la série des coupes en céramique des pocola deorum du Latium, mais également à Préneste et dans l'ager Faliscus, semble également confirmer le rôle majeur des échanges entre les théologies italique, grecque, étrusque. Nous montrons par ailleurs comment ces échanges s'appuient sur des processus linguistiques précis, à travers les emprunts, calques morphosémantiques, traductions, syncrétismes et interprétations.

In this work, we intend to provide a broad overview of Ancient Italian pantheons from the Republican age through the study of god names. Our study focuses on theonymic groups from the three main Italic langages, which possess to this day the largest epigraphical corpus, i.e. Oscan, Umbrian and Latin. On the Oscan side, the Tablet of Agnone bears testimony of a profoundly Hellenized background, but its structure also reveals typically Italic theological features as well as theonyms. Similar features can be found in the Roman world and other Oscan corpora, especially the sanctuary of Mefitis at Rossano di Vaglio, which is central in our study. One may notice, for example, the common association of agrarian divinities to military contexts, or the importance of feminine divinities, which elude trifunctional classification. Unlike the tablet of Agnone or the Pietrabbondante sanctuary, which bear more significant traces of Roman influence, the sanctuary of Rossano seems to present a more indigenous set of theonyms – although we have to keep in mind that the site also belongs to Hellenized territory, as confirmed/demonstrated by archeological research. On the Umbrian side, the Iguvine Tablets reveal a complex theology, and some features which are very similar to what we can find in Latin and Etruscan worlds – the latter showing significant Italic influence in its theonymy. Finally, comparisons with Latin corpora, such as the pocola deorum ceramics collection from Latium, and with Faliscan and Praenestine Latin, confirm the major part played by exchanges between Italic, Greek, and Etruscan theologies. This work also demonstrates how these exchanges rely on specific linguistic processes, viz. borrowings, morphosemantic calques, translations, syncretism and interpretations. ; Le présent ouvrage entend proposer une vision d'ensemble des panthéons de l'Italie antique d'époque républicaine, à travers l'étude des ensembles théonymiques des trois principales langues italiques dont l'épigraphie nous a laissé de nombreuses attestations de date contemporaine : osque, ombrien, latin. Dans le domaine osque, l'inscription de la Table d'Agnone révèle selon nous une forte empreinte de l'hellénisme, mais son organisation met également en lumière des faits théologiques, et des théonymes, proprement italiques, que l'on retrouve par exemple dans le monde latin, et dans d'autres corpus osques : ainsi dans le sanctuaire de Rossano di Vaglio, nous observons de telles de convergences italiques, comme l'association du monde agraire au domaine militaire, ainsi que des figures de divinités féminines qui échappent aux grilles de classification trifonctionnelle. À la différence de la Table d'Agnone, ainsi que du sanctuaire de Pietrabbondante qui marque vraisemblablement une plus grande influence romaine, celui de Rossano présente des divinités qui semblent davantage indigènes ; pourtant la dimension hellénisée d'un tel sanctuaire ne doit pas non plus être mise à l'écart, elle est par ailleurs confirmée par l'archéologie. Dans le domaine ombrien, les Tables Eugubines et leurs nombreuses divinités révèlent une théologie complexe, qui montre de nombreux points de comparaison avec le monde latin, mais vraisemblablement également avec le monde étrusque, dont la théonymie est intrinsèquement liée, pour une partie du panthéon du moins, aux langues italiques. Enfin, la comparaison avec les corpus de divinités du monde latin, notamment la série des coupes en céramique des pocola deorum du Latium, mais également à Préneste et dans l'ager Faliscus, semble également confirmer le rôle majeur des échanges entre les théologies italique, grecque, étrusque. Nous montrons par ailleurs comment ces échanges s'appuient sur des processus linguistiques précis, à travers les emprunts, calques morphosémantiques, traductions, syncrétismes et interprétations.

This article analyzes the main changes and continuities in the urban history of Cuenca, in particular those related to the transformation of the main local institution, and territorial organization, the "Cabildo" or colonial "City Council", through "Ayuntamiento" or "Constitutional City Councill", and finally the Municipality, or the "Republican city council" during the nineteenth century. The differences between the council of the ancient regime, named "Cabildo", the constitutional council or Ayuntamiento Constitucional, born during the "doceañismo" or liberal period and the Republican municipal corporation in the nineteenth century. This study is also interested in the consolidation of a republican model that form part of the prevailing conceptions of modernity and progress. This study gives examples of continuities or discontinuities in urban discussions and problems that were faced by Cuenca and its region during the last period of the colonial Cabildo, and during further constitutional and Republican local administration. This article also analyzes the importance of the implemantation of a local policy and regulations; public works and their impacts. Some historical aspects of this Andean city, regional and political capital of southern Ecuador are revealed. This study is mainly based on primary source documents. ; Este artículo analiza los principales cambios y continuidades en la historia urbana de Cuenca, en particular aquellos relacionados con la transformación de la principal institución de organización territorial local que es el municipio. Se estudian las diferencias que existen entre el cabildo del antiguo régimen, del ayuntamiento constitucional (doceañista), y la corporación municipal republicana durante el siglo XIX. También interesa conocer la consolidación de un modelo republicano vinculado con las concepciones de modernidad y progreso predominantes. Se analizan algunos ejemplos de continuidades o discontinuidades en el Cabildo colonial, Ayuntamiento constitucional y Municipio republicano en la regulación, administración, aplicación de normativas y la obra pública y sus impactos. Se develan algunos aspectos históricos de esta ciudad andina, capital regional y política del sur del Ecuador. Este estudio se basa principalmente en fuentes documentales primarias.

This article examines the development of cooperative relationships in back-channel communication and their impact on intraparty negotiation. It draws on extensive newly available evidence on back-channel communication in the Irish peace process to expand the range of detailed case studies on a topic which is shrouded in secrecy and resistant to academic inquiry. The article analyses the operation of a secret back channel that linked the Irish Republican Army to the British government over a period of 20 years, drawing on unique material from the private papers of the intermediary, Brendan Duddy, and a range of other primary sources. The article finds that interaction through this back channel increased predictability and laid a foundation of extremely limited trust by providing information and increasing mutual understanding. Strong cooperative relationships developed at the intersection between the two sides, based to a great extent on strong interpersonal relationships and continuity in personnel. This in turn produced direct pressure for changes in the position of parties as negotiators acted as advocates of movement in intraparty negotiations. The article finds that this back channel was characterized by a short chain, the direct involvement of principals and the establishment of a single primary channel of communication and that these features combined with secrecy to generate the distinctive cooperative dynamics identified in this article. It concludes that the potential for the development of cooperative relationships is particularly strong in back-channel negotiation for two reasons; first, the joint project of secrecy creates an ongoing shared task that builds trust and mutual understanding regardless of progress in the negotiations. Secondly, as a shared project based on the explicit aim of bypassing spoilers, the process creates structural pressures for cooperation to manage internal opponents on both sides, pressures intensified by the secrecy of the process.