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This study examines & evaluates the existing research on party position in Taiwan & what this literature reveals about the state of inter-party competition during the island's first fifteen years of multiparty elections. There has been an increasing diversity in methodologies used to measure party position in Taiwan, including mass & elite surveys, propaganda content analysis, & elite interviews. Too much of the research has been carried out in isolation by individual researchers, however, with little reference to other existing studies. Many studies have focused on single years & used completely different measurement systems, making time series analysis impossible. There is a need for these schemes to become institutionalized & carried out by wider research teams rather than single scholars. This study argues that the existing data shows that between 1991 & 2000, Taiwan's parties moved from polarized positions toward a pattern of moderate differentiation, similar to parties in mature democracies. Taiwan's parties stress issues, compete on multiple issue cleavages, & -- although having shown a degree of movement toward the center -- remain clearly differentiated. The case is not so clear for the post-2000 period. 6 Tables, 5 Figures, 1 Appendix, 36 References. Adapted from the source document.

During the second half of nineteenth century, Wales seemed to experience an upsurge in its sense of identity as a nation, a so-called national awakening. While this led to the belief that its social and economic needs as well as its cultural characteristics were distinct from England, few people called for a radical solution to the apparent injustices and misrepresentation of Wales within the British political system; it was not until the twentieth century that a movement emerged to gather support for some form of national self-government.

The most prominent of these early advocates of self-government for Wales was the Nonconformist minister and college principal Michael Daniel Jones (1822-1898). Jones has since been described as the the founding father of modern political nationalism in Wales and the first in modern times to offer the Welsh a rational political solution to the question of how best to maintain their identity. Yet despite this acclaim, he is a figure who remains largely unstudied, especially beyond the sphere of Welsh (and, more specifically, Welsh-language) historiography.

This article focuses on the formation and attributes of Michael D. Joness political thought in regard to the Welsh nation. It concludes with an attempt to explain his failure to incite a national movement during his lifetime and the underlying divergence of his aspirations for Wales and the political views that were dominant among Welsh Nonconformists at the time.

The President of the Welsh Nationalist Party discusses Great Britain's 1998 Government of Wales Act mandating election of the National Assembly for Wales; focus on the Assembly's present lack of primary law-making and tax-varying powers and direct representation in the European Union.

In 1990 no one could have predicted that by 2000 almost the Democratic Progressive Party's (DPP) early platform goals would have been achieved and that it would be the ruling party. As the DPP was loose collection of former dissidents, who were divided ideologically and factionally, it was seen as only a matter of time before it would split. However, contrary to expectations it was the KMT that split three times in 1993, 1995-1996 and 1999-2000, while the DPP's splits were insignificant. The DPP's only effective weapon in this process has been campaign issues as realignment has occured along the lines of the core electoral issues. The KMT's policy flexibility enabled the DPP to achieve the majority of its policy objectives without actually holding office. Although the KMT did not lose power until 2000, its transformation since 1991 has been so great that it is the equivalent of a change in ruling party. In short, in this article, the author argues that, contrary to expectations, campaign issues have increasingly mattered in the radical transformation of Taiwanese politics during the 1990s. The purpose of this article is to address these three key questions: 1. How and why have the main parties adjusted their positions on the core electoral issues between 1991 and 2000? 2. What are the consequences of these shifts on the Taiwanese political landscape? 3. Why are issues so important in analysing elections in Taiwan? (Asian J Polit Sci/DÜI)

Intro -- Title Page -- Introduction -- Chapter 1 Suffrajests -- Chapter 2 Mrs Worthington's Daughters -- Chapter 3 Apprenticeship Of A Clown -- Chapter 4 Laying The Foundations -- Chapter 5 Working Life Achievements -- Chapter 6 Stand-Up And Be Counted -- Chapter 7 'Tips For The Top' -- Appendix 1 -- Appendix 2 -- Appendix 3 -- With Many Thanks -- About The Author -- Copyright.