Suchergebnisse

1. The pursuit of democratic independence -- 2. Exercising self-determination -- 3. International state-building and civil society -- 4. Constitution-drafting and the first elections -- 5. Institutions, leaders and elections -- 6. Social democratic citizenship -- 7. Transitional justice and social democracy.

This short note introduces the debate on the future of economic policy and reform of capitalism, to be hosted in a new temporary section of the journal. It is essential to debate how to achieve a balance between 'bread' (economic security) and 'liberty' (political freedom), in a dynamic sense, implying that the relative importance between the two logical extremes must vary with the context. In the new section, the Review welcomes contributions and comments on the foreseeable future and the options available for economic policy and for reforms at the global and/or national level. JEL codes: P11, P21, D72

This article argues that social democratic governments throughout the 20thcentury faced internal and international constraints arising from the operation of capitalist economies and that the evidence for a qualitative deepening of such constraints since the collapse of the Bretton Woods system is far from unequivocal. Financial markets were already big enough and fast enough to deter such governments from the pursuit of egalitarian policies in the interwar years or to destabilise them if they ignored the warning signs. This article also shows that the efficacy of Keynesian macroeconomic policy in the Golden Age has been exaggerated and that the problem of short-term movements of speculative capital persisted throughout this era in a country such as Britain. Keynesianism never worked in the face of mass unemployment and it is misleading to suggest that its breakdown in the 1970s somehow robbed social democracy of the policy tools that had maintained full employment in the 1950s and 1960s. A host of additional problems have indeed beset social democratic governments since 1973, but the analysis of such problems is hindered rather than helped by much of the literature which invokes economic globalisation. Globalisation theory is in need of further specification before it can be useful and arguments about the economic consequences of globalisation since 1973 need to distinguish its effects from those of the many conjunctural problems of the period as well as the policies that important agencies have pursued in search of solutions to them.

Part of a symposium entitled: The Germany Left Today (see related abstracts in this section of SA 43:6). In 1989, most observers of West German politics were convinced that the leadership of the Social Democratic Party (SPD) would take over the reins of government from the ruling coalition of Christian Democrats (CDU) & Liberals after the next election. This scenario changed abruptly with the reunification of the two German states. The CDU & the Free Democratic Party immediately capitalized on the turmoil, claiming that reunification had long been their goal. The SPD should have responded by presenting a succinct critical program & an impressive political team, but it did not, & now faces a considerable threat from various political parties. M. Maguire

Changes in the organization and strategies of the Dutch Labor party.

International audience ; In 1983, after a coalition of centre-rights (Kohl) and liberals (Genscher) pushed the social democrats (Brandt, Schmidt) out of government, German-British sociologist Lord Ralf Dahrendorf concluded: "We are witnessing the end of the social-democratic century in the OECD world." 1 He argued-as many others believed at that time-that the social democratic project had solved with bravery the great "social question" of reducing the poverty and social inequality imposed by the industrial area. "In a way," he even announced, "we (almost) all became Social Democrats" by taking for granted its basic institutions, such as the rule of law and (more or less) universal social security against the risk of health, old age and unemployment. Yet, he maintained, all the underlying assumptions or promises of social democracy-growth, labour, equality, rationality, state, and internationalism-no longer hold. Social democracy had no answers to the questions of the 21st century: growth and work had come to an end, more equality was not financeable, religious and other a-rational beliefs had risen up again, the state systematically failed, and nationalism was rising up again. Liberalism would be the proper response, i.e. the promise of self-determination, individual responsibility, freedom of movement, and so on. In hindsight, we know that neoliberal pundits, particularly mainstream economists, transformed these vague assumptions and visions into the hardcore ideology of unfettered markets, in particular deregulated labour and capital markets.

International audience ; In 1983, after a coalition of centre-rights (Kohl) and liberals (Genscher) pushed the social democrats (Brandt, Schmidt) out of government, German-British sociologist Lord Ralf Dahrendorf concluded: "We are witnessing the end of the social-democratic century in the OECD world." 1 He argued-as many others believed at that time-that the social democratic project had solved with bravery the great "social question" of reducing the poverty and social inequality imposed by the industrial area. "In a way," he even announced, "we (almost) all became Social Democrats" by taking for granted its basic institutions, such as the rule of law and (more or less) universal social security against the risk of health, old age and unemployment. Yet, he maintained, all the underlying assumptions or promises of social democracy-growth, labour, equality, rationality, state, and internationalism-no longer hold. Social democracy had no answers to the questions of the 21st century: growth and work had come to an end, more equality was not financeable, religious and other a-rational beliefs had risen up again, the state systematically failed, and nationalism was rising up again. Liberalism would be the proper response, i.e. the promise of self-determination, individual responsibility, freedom of movement, and so on. In hindsight, we know that neoliberal pundits, particularly mainstream economists, transformed these vague assumptions and visions into the hardcore ideology of unfettered markets, in particular deregulated labour and capital markets.

There is a crisis of social democracy in terms of the prevalence of its ideas, policies and institutions. There is also a crisis in Europe, which is economic, political and social. This article discusses where social democracy could be going in the context of these crises. It argues that social democracy could rediscover some of its historical tenets and approaches in response to the problems in Europe. At the same time it can rethink its approach on issues such as work and migration, seeking the redistribution of work and encouraging immigration for its economic and social benefits. These would have knock-on effects for climate change and mobilising the young for social democracy. On the bases of the crisis in Europe and the crisis of social democracy, social democrats can both rediscover and rethink where they are going.

"Since the end of the Cold War, considerable scholarly debates have been devoted to the nature and scope of international state-building interventions in 'fragile', post-colonial states and their effectiveness in instituting democratic rule. By examining the construction of political institutions in East Timor, this book highlights the relationship between the social and political realms during these processes. Focusing on the roles of East Timorese leaders and civil society organisations during the independence movement, it analyses the effectiveness of democracy building in East Timor. It examines the processes of drafting the new constitution, establishing key political institutions (such as the electoral system), and articulating a new vision of citizenship and social justice. The book argues that East Timor offers a relatively successful case of democratic transition, enabled by a consistent set of goals and aspirations, grassroots political legitimacy and participation, and the development of a democratic civil nation. Offering a coherent argument for why democracy has been successful in East Timor and the roles of political leaders and civil society during democratic transition, this book will be of interest to those studying Southeast Asian politics, international politics, and democracy"--