Suchergebnisse

Every year a large number of individuals have to quit different military services: army, navy, air force etc. for different reasons all over the world. Among all the reasons, medical discharge is the most unacceptable one. After forced departure from the service, these personnel face several problems as they go through a difficult and sensitive time in their life. Starting from post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), they go through different mental, psychological, social and psychopathological problems. Further, people look at them in a different way when they come to know that the person had to resign from military services. Moreover, the behavior and attitude of the family members and relatives make the situation worse. Ex-military personnel of this category suffer from depression. However, the person can be turned into a positive and effective power of the society by proper support from the surroundings as the person can use the learning from his/her experience in other occupations as well. The paper draws attention towards this social problem. The benefits of the research will have an impact on the ex-military community of forced departure, as this problem has not been addressed properly in broader context before.

International audience ; The mining sector has been the engine of Peru's remarkable growth. Through tax revenues, itcontributed to the sharp reduction in poverty since the 1990s. Thus governments from allpolitical backgrounds have supported large private investments in the mining sector to ensuresocial spending. Nevertheless, the growth has been geographically and socially inequitable andthe balance of power has remained in favor of the big mining groups, nourishing the soil of socialconflicts around mining projects. Although the current government is caught between economicpragmatism and political issues, it does not question the « neo-extractive » development modelof the country. ; El sector minero ha sido motor del sobresaliente crecimiento económico peruano. Hacontribuido, por los ingresos fiscales que ha generado, a la fuerte reducción de la pobreza desdelos años 1990: los sucesivos gobiernos, sin distinción de bandos, han apoyado las grandesinversiones privadas en el sector minero para garantizar su gasto social. Sin embargo, elcrecimiento económico ha permanecido geográficamente y socialmente injusto y el equilibrio depoder sigue aventajando a los grandes grupos mineros, alimentando así los conflictos sociales entorno a los proyectos mineros. Dividido entre pragmatismo económico y desafíos políticos, elgobierno actual no cuestiona el modelo de desarrollo « neoextractivista » del país. ; Le secteur minier a été le moteur de la remarquable croissance péruvienne. Il a contribué, par lesrecettes fiscales qu'il a générées, à la forte réduction de la pauvreté depuis les années 1990 : lesgouvernements successifs, toutes étiquettes confondues, ont soutenu les grands investissementsprivés dans le secteur minier pour garantir leur dépense sociale. Pour autant, la croissance estrestée géographiquement et socialement inéquitable et le rapport de forces demeure à l'avantagedes grands groupes miniers, nourrissant le terreau des conflits sociaux autour des projetsd'exploitation. Écartelé entre pragmatisme économique et ...

International audience ; The mining sector has been the engine of Peru's remarkable growth. Through tax revenues, itcontributed to the sharp reduction in poverty since the 1990s. Thus governments from allpolitical backgrounds have supported large private investments in the mining sector to ensuresocial spending. Nevertheless, the growth has been geographically and socially inequitable andthe balance of power has remained in favor of the big mining groups, nourishing the soil of socialconflicts around mining projects. Although the current government is caught between economicpragmatism and political issues, it does not question the « neo-extractive » development modelof the country. ; El sector minero ha sido motor del sobresaliente crecimiento económico peruano. Hacontribuido, por los ingresos fiscales que ha generado, a la fuerte reducción de la pobreza desdelos años 1990: los sucesivos gobiernos, sin distinción de bandos, han apoyado las grandesinversiones privadas en el sector minero para garantizar su gasto social. Sin embargo, elcrecimiento económico ha permanecido geográficamente y socialmente injusto y el equilibrio depoder sigue aventajando a los grandes grupos mineros, alimentando así los conflictos sociales entorno a los proyectos mineros. Dividido entre pragmatismo económico y desafíos políticos, elgobierno actual no cuestiona el modelo de desarrollo « neoextractivista » del país. ; Le secteur minier a été le moteur de la remarquable croissance péruvienne. Il a contribué, par lesrecettes fiscales qu'il a générées, à la forte réduction de la pauvreté depuis les années 1990 : lesgouvernements successifs, toutes étiquettes confondues, ont soutenu les grands investissementsprivés dans le secteur minier pour garantir leur dépense sociale. Pour autant, la croissance estrestée géographiquement et socialement inéquitable et le rapport de forces demeure à l'avantagedes grands groupes miniers, nourrissant le terreau des conflits sociaux autour des projetsd'exploitation. Écartelé entre pragmatisme économique et enjeux politiques, le gouvernementactuel ne remet pas en cause le modèle de développement néo-extractiviste du pays.

International audience ; The mining sector has been the engine of Peru's remarkable growth. Through tax revenues, itcontributed to the sharp reduction in poverty since the 1990s. Thus governments from allpolitical backgrounds have supported large private investments in the mining sector to ensuresocial spending. Nevertheless, the growth has been geographically and socially inequitable andthe balance of power has remained in favor of the big mining groups, nourishing the soil of socialconflicts around mining projects. Although the current government is caught between economicpragmatism and political issues, it does not question the « neo-extractive » development modelof the country. ; El sector minero ha sido motor del sobresaliente crecimiento económico peruano. Hacontribuido, por los ingresos fiscales que ha generado, a la fuerte reducción de la pobreza desdelos años 1990: los sucesivos gobiernos, sin distinción de bandos, han apoyado las grandesinversiones privadas en el sector minero para garantizar su gasto social. Sin embargo, elcrecimiento económico ha permanecido geográficamente y socialmente injusto y el equilibrio depoder sigue aventajando a los grandes grupos mineros, alimentando así los conflictos sociales entorno a los proyectos mineros. Dividido entre pragmatismo económico y desafíos políticos, elgobierno actual no cuestiona el modelo de desarrollo « neoextractivista » del país. ; Le secteur minier a été le moteur de la remarquable croissance péruvienne. Il a contribué, par lesrecettes fiscales qu'il a générées, à la forte réduction de la pauvreté depuis les années 1990 : lesgouvernements successifs, toutes étiquettes confondues, ont soutenu les grands investissementsprivés dans le secteur minier pour garantir leur dépense sociale. Pour autant, la croissance estrestée géographiquement et socialement inéquitable et le rapport de forces demeure à l'avantagedes grands groupes miniers, nourrissant le terreau des conflits sociaux autour des projetsd'exploitation. Écartelé entre pragmatisme économique et enjeux politiques, le gouvernementactuel ne remet pas en cause le modèle de développement néo-extractiviste du pays.

Proponents of direct democracy contend that the institution increases political knowledge, but limited evidence supports this assertion over a single election. Previous studies of the relationship, however, do not account for the heterogeneous effects of each proposition and employ political knowledge scales that insufficiently rely on information directly related to political campaigns. I address these limitations by looking at the issue content of each ballot measure and using the 2006 and 2008 Cooperative Congressional Election Studies (CCES), which contain numerous voting-relevant and policy-oriented questions from which to construct an improved measurement of actual campaign learning. Although I find no effect attributable to the total number of measures on the ballot, those addressing social issues, because they are well known, highly salient, and tap into existing social cleavages, do exhibit the hypothesized effect on political knowledge. I discuss the implications of these findings in the conclusion.

The present article's objective is to specify the ruling principles meant to guide the development ofan Ethical/Political project for the practice of Social Work inPanama, recognizing the complex and multidimensional nature ofthe so-called "Social Issue", as intervention scenery for our profession. We begin with a critical analysis of Globalization as socioeconomic development model, which constitutes the context forthe socio political reality of our country, and its effects on the grovving of poverty and social exclusion. We emphasize the urgency for revaluating our ethical performance, engaged with the socially excluded sectors, which can be developed to constitute responsible citizens of a true democracy. We finish with some conclusions on the Social Work contributions to the construction of a democratic and concerted project for the social development in Panama . ; El objetivo del presente articulo es precisar los principios rectores que deben orientar un proyecto Etico/ Politico para el ejercicio del trabajo social en Panamá, partiendo de reconocer la naturaleza compleja, multidimensional de lo que se denomina "la Cuestión Social", como escenario de intervención de nuestra profesión. Partimos del análisis crítico de la globalización como modelo de desarrollo socioeconómico que sirve de contexto a la realidad sociopolitica de nuestro país y sus efectos en la reproducción de la pobreza y la exclusión social. Subrayamos la urgencia de redimensionar nuestro desempeño ético, comprometido con los sectores excluidos, lo(a)s que pueden ser potenciados(as) como ciudadano(a)s responsables de la democracia real, finalizando con algunas conclusiones sobre el aporte del trabajo social en la construcción de un proyecto democrático y concertado para el desarrollo social en Panamá.

Motivation: The dissemination of the concept of sustainable development has resulted in the social issue becoming an important area of non-financial reporting. However, the complexity and multidimensionality of this category mean that the indicators used for this are very diverse. The literature on this subject includes numerous publications, but there is lack of answer to the question: are the social category disclosures presented in non-financial reports comparable? Aim: The aim of the paper is an assessment of the comparability of non-financial disclosures in the social area in reports of selected companies listed on the Warsaw Stock Exchange. The ten largest companies listed in the WIG-20 index were selected for the study. The study covered non-financial reports for 2019. The study was divided into five categories: (I) Human Rights, (II) Local Communities and Community Engagement, (III) Supplier Social Assessment, (IV) Customer Privacy, and (V) Other, within each, based on GRI Standards, up to three non-financial indicators have been defined. Results: The conducted empirical study confirmed that the analysed non-financial reports were not fully comparable in any of the five categories of disclosures. Moreover, in many reports verbal description dominated, with a relatively small share of information expressed in numbers and/or percentages, which in turn creates a field for narration. Non-financial reporting requires an appropriate balance between descriptive reporting and quantified information. This also applies to the disclosure of information on social issues. In this light, it seems necessary to lobby and then start legislative work aimed at increasing the comparability of non-financial reports.