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In many cities graffiti and street art is considered as vandalism and is often connected with crime. However, in some cities majority of the population does not agree with such a statement. They see street art and graffiti as decoration of the city. They think the artists deserve a safe space for expressing themselves. It is already a little step towards preserving the street art movement, as, of course, not all the citizens will share this opinion, since place of street art is still a very arguable question in many cities around the world. More and more organisations, associations and projects of different types are being created to promote and protect the urban art. Promotion of street art can be expressed in different ways, for example, panel discussions and workshops, exhibitions and festivals. Several street art and graffiti related spaces are being opened in Paris. Museums, warehouses, walls, schools – every kind of space could be used as a platform for the artists. This is also a nice way to show to the city council how important this culture is to the citizens of Paris. At the same time Riga cannot be yet proud of a thriving street art and graffiti culture. But what if Riga actually took Paris as an example? Could similar organisations in Latvia improve the society's attitude towards urban cultures? Could the safe platform for street art be a solution for its popularization in Riga? The aim of this paper is to introduce organisations which promote and protect street art and graffiti in Paris and to evaluate if street art positions in Paris could actually be an example for Riga. The conclusion is that the bigger amount of such organisations is able to actually change the attitude of society towards the urban art and Riga can surely learn a lot from Paris – creating spaces for graffiti and street artists can not only make their positions better, but also it can have a positive impact for the city's social life and attract a specific type of tourists to the capital.

The essay examines street art as a lens on the workings of the contemporary public sphere to capture changing uses of urban public spaces and shifting conceptions of social order in the city. It explores the explosion in the popularity of street art at a time when urban public space is shrinking and control over its use has tightened considerably through zero-tolerance policing, growing surveillance, privatization, and gentrification. It argues that significant developments in digital media (e.g., the spread of mobile devices, photo sharing, blogging, and social networking sites) have created a new ecology for the documentation, sharing, and global dissemination of "ephemeral" street art that has fueled its popularity while complicating its commercialization, reception, and political impact. It shows how digital technologies mediate the tension between the countercultural aspirations of street art and the multiple ways in which street art is being turned into a commodity.

Under the influence of social media, aesthetic cosmopolitans have shifted from the real world to the digital world. This study exemplified Jingxuan Peng's street art on TikTok to explore how street artists digitally increase the transcultural engagement with the cosmopolitan community on social media. As a result, a total of 243 videos and corresponding engagement responses were collected and investigated through text mining analysis. Overall, street art in these short videos was classified as fully exotic, partly exotic, and a combination of local and exotic art, and the study finds that the last category has the highest level of engagement in the digital cosmopolitan community. In conclusion, this study fills a gap in the limited analysis of street art and digital cosmopolitism on social media, and provides managerial insights for street artists and art appreciation in the age of Internet.

"Foregrounding street art in the capital cities of Cuba, Haiti, and Puerto Rico, this book argues that Antillean street artists diagnose the "impossible state" of the arrested present (colonized, occupied, or under dictatorship) while simultaneously imagining liberated futures and fully sovereign states. Jana Evans Braziel launches a comparative study of art, politics, history, urban street cultures, engaged citizenships, and social transformations in three Antillean capital cities-Habana, Cuba; Port-au-Prince, Haiti; and San Juan, Puerto Rico-of the Greater Caribbean. The book includes a photo documentary archive of street art, murals, and installations by key muralists in these cities: Yulier Rodriguez Pérez, "Jerry" Rosembert Moïse, and Colectivo Moriviví (Chachi González Colón, Raysa Rodríguez García, and Salomé Cortés). Braziel offers art historical and geopolitical analyses of the urban street art in their cities of production, underscoring street art as political, economic, and environmental engagements (and not as exclusively aesthetic ones) with urban space and street life. The book will be of interest to scholars working in art history, Caribbean studies, Latin American studies, and urban studies"--

Resumen: El presente artículo analiza las relaciones entre street art y videojuegos como un ejemplo concreto de nueva práctica artística en el espacio urbano. Para ilustrar esta relación analizamos el proyecto artístico del artista urbano francés Invader, quien ha construido su identidad artística a partir de la apropiación material de los famosos personajes del videojuego Space Invaders y su traslado del espacio digital de la pantalla al espacio público de la calle.Abstract: The article analyzes the relationship between street art and video games as a new type of art practice in urban space. To illustrate this relationship, we analyze the work of the French street artist known as Invade. This artist has appropriated the characters from Space Invaders classic video game to build his artistic identity, transferring them from the digital space of the screen to the public space of the street.

Russian anthropologist Alexandra Arkhipova and her colleagues have been collecting examples of anti-war street-art — stickers, graffiti, leaflets, and complex installations — for 1.5 years, from 48 Russian cities.

In 2012, as a continuation of street politics developed in places like the antigovernment sit-in in Change Square in Yemen's capital Sana'a, a small number of visual artists incorporated dissent, transgression, and civil disobedience into their artistic practices. Such is the case of Murad Subay, the painter who initiated the series of street art campaigns analyzed in this article. This case allows us to study the intersections of space, contentious politics, and artistic practices, interrogating how visual expressions located in the streets reflect a vivid political public sphere, understood as a site of critical debate and interaction. Furthermore, it introduces a series of dynamics that make of these campaigns something more than a site for production and circulation of discourses critical of the state. Street art campaigns in Yemen are thus explored sensitizing devices for political awareness.

Since the war began, the street art capital of Russia status of Yekaterinburg has come into question: some artists have left Russia, while others have been imprisoned for their anti-war works

In the article author investigates street art in some of Siberia cities as a ethically motivated visual integrations into common space. From historical point of view the author presents beginning of this phenomena in world specially in Russia. Signatures, graffiti, street art are seen as a manifestation of values parted in three categories: individual, involved, patterns recognized global. Street art in Siberia cities want to change social, political and what most important aksio-semiotic shape of city space. Article is way to propose research about Street Art and paintings on the walls as a visual texts on example of Siberian cities. How this visual phenomena's exist in the city space in the East part of Russia. How do they relate to the city space? Do they reproduce the urban space? Do they visually build an image of urban space or create the illusion of a uniqueness of place? Where are they created and for what reasons? Street art can be individual experience, involved activity, political and social, global and local. Graffiti can be seen as a memorials or form to communicate function of place even hidden problems of society; as manifestation of values and form of interaction through symbols (the way they present themselves and possible interpretation); as the fight for values and beliefs (about the world) in Siberia urban space. For author cities like Tomsk, Novosibirsk, Kemerovo, Novokuznetsk, Irkutsk, Gorno-Altaisk can be seen through street art as a desire of citizens for egalitarian changes: the accessibility of art, the aesthetization of buildings, political discourse, creating values / identities based on the place of residence. The key to their study is the way in which values are presented in them, the social and economic context of their occurrence, the political form of struggle by them, local activism and the construction / expression of a neighborhood identity. Street art is not only thinking about aesthetization of the Siberian cities space is also increasingly becoming an expression and a way to realize values or way to organize public space by common people. ; Автор статьи исследует уличное искусство в некоторых городах Сибири как этическую мотивацию визуальной интеграции в общественное пространство. Автор выясняет начало этих явлений – как в мире, так и в России – с исторической точки зрения. Надписи, граффити, street art рассматриваются как проявления ценностей, разделённых по трём категориям: индивидуальные, вовлечённые, глобальные паттерны. Уличное искусство в городах Сибири направлено на изменение социальной, политической и, самое главное, аксио-семиотической формы городского пространства. Статья представляет собой попытку предложить исследование уличного искусства и настенных изображений как визуальных текстов на примере городов Сибири. Как эти визуальные явления существуют в городском пространстве восточной части России? Как они относятся к городскому пространству? Воспроизводят ли они городское пространство? Творят ли они визуальный образ городского пространства или создают иллюзию уникальности места? Где и кем они созданы и по каким причинам? Уличное искусство может быть индивидуальным опытом, вовлечённой активностью, политическим и социальным, глобальным и местным. Граффити можно рассматривать как мемориалы или как форму коммуникативного пространства, в котором обнаруживаются даже скрытые общественные проблемы; как проявление ценностей и как форму взаимодействия через символы; как способ борьбы за ценности и убеждения (происходящей по всему миру) в городском пространстве Сибири. В таких городах, как Томск, Новосибирск, Кемерово, Новокузнецк, Иркутск, Горно-Алтайск, автор смог увидеть уличное искусство как стремление граждан к эгалитарным изменениям, а именно: доступность искусства, эстетизация зданий, политический дискурс, творение ценностей / базовых идентичностей по месту жительства. Ключом к изучению экзепляров такого искусства является способ представления в них ценностей, социальный и экономический контекст их возникновения, политическая форма борьбы с ними, местная активность и построение / выражение идентичности соседства. Уличное искусство не только способствует эстетизации пространства сибирских городов, но и всё чаще становится выражением и способом реализации ценностей или одним из способов организации общественного пространства обычными людьми.

What is the relationship between street art and the law? In 'A Philosophy Guide to Street Art and the Law', Andrea Baldini argues that street art has a constitutive relationship with the law. A crucial aspect of the identity of this urban art kind depends on its capacity to turn upside down dominant uses of public spaces. Street artists subvert those laws and social norms that regulate the city. Baldini shows that street art has not only transformed public spaces and their functions into artistic material, but has also turned its rebellious attitude toward the law into a creative resource. He aims at elucidating and arguing for this claim, while drawing important implications at the level of street art's metaphysics, value, and relationship with rights of intellectual property, in particular copyright and moral rights. At the other end of the spectrum of contractual art, street art is outlaw art

The modern urban space is inevitably the site of different striking messages from advertisement to graffiti. The last are used as an alternative medium of subculture, even if majority of the public fails to notice it or else interprets it, contrary to culture's ordered world of meanings, as chaotic "dirt" more closely related to nature than culture. The discourse of messages found in the public space - on the façades of surfaces forming urban space, can be interpreted in a countercultural code and is for the subculture of graffiti itself, a battle taking place for the aesthetization of the public space. This is the answer provided by the rebellious sons to the "fathers of the city", who possess money and power with which to design urban public space using architectural means. The generation of sons, who are excluded from this real estate discourse due to a lack of means, put into play the only thing they own, i.e. their body, which they subject to the danger of imprisonment, because graffiti is an illegal activity, which in legal terms is interpreted as vandalism, a view that also prevails within the mass media. In this paper we analyze the meaning of visual messages of Riga stencil graffiti using social semiotics' methodology (Kress Leewen, 1996; Jewitt Oyama, 2004). We find that the utilization of the street as an alternative and independent medium in the form of civil disobedience manifested through the translation of radical political ideas, thus to a certain extent performing the work of propaganda, is an example of creative idealism.

The Kadam project is an example of an initiative by individuals who are passionate about bringing social change via creative means.