This article develops the first comprehensive set of estimates of daily hours of work in 1880 using new data from the Census of Manufactures. We conclude that the average workday was almost exactly 10 hours in 1880—almost a decade earlier than hitherto supposed. Our statistical analysis also reveals small but statistically significant variations in hours between firms and industries, between regions, and by location. We also find that higher-paid workers probably substituted leisure for income, that total employment was unresponsive to hours, and that hours and days of employment during the year moved together.
In this work we examine the battles for the presidential succession in 1880. The link between war and politics in the light of some concepts developed by Michel Foucault allow us to reflect on the political and factional violence component associated to the political disputes. Traditional historiography has ignored the examination of the considerations on the definition of the military faculties of the political actors of the period. In this study the war in 1880 is linked to the policy before and after the revolutionary trance, as part of disputes about legal definitions of military power and its relation to the future of the National State. ; En este trabajo se examinan las batallas por la sucesión presidencial en la Argentina de 1880 a partir de la vinculación entre la guerra y la política. A la luz de algunos conceptos elaborado por Michel Foucault nos hemos permitido reflexionar sobre la política facciosa y su componente de violencia asociado a las disputas políticas. Buena parte de la historiografía tradicional ha pasado por alto las consideraciones sobre la definición de las facultades militares realizadas por los propios actores políticos del período. En este estudio se vincula la guerra de 1880 con la política antes y después del conflicto armado, como parte de las disputas acerca de las definiciones legales del poder militar y su relación con el futuro del Estado Nacional. Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación
En este trabajo se examinan las batallas por la sucesión presidencial en la Argentina de 1880 a partir de la vinculación entre la guerra y la política. A la luz de algunos conceptos elaborado por Michel Foucault nos hemos permitido reflexionar sobre la política facciosa y su componente de violencia asociado a las disputas políticas. Buena parte de la historiografía tradicional ha pasado por alto las consideraciones sobre la definición de las facultades militares realizadas por los propios actores políticos del período. En este estudio se vincula la guerra de 1880 con la política antes y después del conflicto armado, como parte de las disputas acerca de las definiciones legales del poder militar y su relación con el futuro del Estado Nacional. ; In this work we examine the battles for the presidential succession in 1880. The link between war and politics in the light of some concepts developed by Michel Foucault allow us to reflect on the political and factional violence component associated to the political disputes. Traditional historiography has ignored the examination of the considerations on the definition of the military faculties of the political actors of the period. In this study the war in 1880 is linked to the policy before and after the revolutionary trance, as part of disputes about legal definitions of military power and its relation to the future of the National State. ; Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación
Established societies as well as revolutionary organizations and movements have always developed, though often only obscurely, a vision of an ideal society, generally located in the future although often also in the romantic past. For established communities, the goal sought by the society has had tremendous significance because faith in the desirability of the end envisioned has been one of the chief binding forces. Perhaps of even greater importance has been the dynamic stimulus the belief in an ideal society has given to rising revolutionary movements, such as those which have led to the great upheavals of history. The ultimate and ideal goal is particularly significant during times of crisis, when the loyalties of men are shaken and when frequently the factors most decisive in determining a citizen's position are his acceptance of and confidence in the final aims of the group to which he belongs. As an eminent English dramatist once said, a map of the world which does not include the ideal society has little interest for man, for it is upon the shores of such societies that man is always landing.A study of a conception of the good society is not only an analysis of a source of cohesion and power; it can also shed great illumination upon an entire system of thought. The examination of a philosophy from this angle, that of the ultimate, ideal aims to be achieved, is particularly revealing in the case of Konstantine Petrovich Pobedonostsev, who was lay administrator of the Russian Orthodox Church from 1880 until October, 1905, and was one of the most prominent statesmen in Russia during the last third of the nineteenth century. During the 1880's in particular, he was as powerful in determining the direction of Russian domestic policy as Bismarck was for three decades in guiding the German state.