Suchergebnisse

Donald Trump's election has called into question many fundamental assumptions about politics and society. Should the forty-fifth president of the United States make us reconsider the nature and future of the global order? Collecting a wide range of perspectives from leading political scientists, historians, and international-relations scholars, Chaos in the Liberal Order explores the global trends that led to Trump's stunning victory and the impact his presidency will have on the international political landscape.Contributors situate Trump among past foreign policy upheavals and enduring models for global governance, seeking to understand how and why he departs from precedents and norms. The book considers key issues, such as what Trump means for America's role in the world; the relationship between domestic and international politics; and Trump's place in the rise of the far right worldwide. It poses challenging questions, including: Does Trump's election signal the downfall of the liberal order or unveil its resilience? What is the importance of individual leaders for the international system, and to what extent is Trump an outlier? Is there a Trump doctrine, or is America's president fundamentally impulsive and scattershot? The book considers the effects of Trump's presidency on trends in human rights, international alliances, and regional conflicts. With provocative contributions from prominent figures such as Stephen M. Walt, Andrew J. Bacevich, and Samuel Moyn, this timely collection brings much-needed expert perspectives on our tumultuous era.

This book provides a detailed analysis of South Africa's actions on the UN Human Rights Council, examining the country's positions on civil and political rights, economic rights and development, social groups whose rights are frequently violated, and abuses in specific countries. The most detailed and comprehensive study of any country's record on the UN Human Rights Council to date, this book demonstrates that despite occasional support for human rights, South Africa's overall record ranged from opposing to failing to support human rights. This is compounded by an anti-Western or anti-imperial' edge to South Africa's positions on the UNHRC. Using South Africa as a study case of a liberal country consistently behaving illiberally, this book therefore challenges the widespread belief in international relations theory, typically found in liberal and constructivist thought, that there is an alignment of domestic political society and foreign policy values. Addressing ongoing debates since the presidency of Nelson Mandela about the place of human rights in South Africa's foreign policy, South Africa and the UN Human Rights Council will be useful to students and scholars of international relations, human rights, international law, and African politics.

In recent years, commentators have noticed that the European liberal order is 'under attack'. Traditional parties of the center are in decline. Populist movements of the right and the left have won elections or significant shares in parliaments. In the face of this 'new' crisis of liberalism, our paper follows the spirit of Walter Lippmann's The Good Society and argues for a renewal of (ordo)liberal thinking. Similar to Lippman - who lamented, "liberalism had become a philosophy of neglect and refusal to proceed with social adaptation" -, we argue that our current liberal economic order is unfit to deal with fundamental social asymmetries. The benefits of open borders and economic integration are distributed unevenly in most societies with urban economic and political elites as main beneficiaries and supporters of the current order, while neglecting less-skilled, rural workers. In this paper, we argue for a contemporary ordoliberalism that takes up this distributional challenge. In spite of recurrent criticism of its value-laden nature, we argue that the normativity of ordoliberalism is actually an asset in the current debate on populism. Moral and ideological arguments are often at the heart of citizens' concerns. Following this rationale, we propose that contemporary ordoliberals advance their thinking in connection with the emerging field of Philosophy, Politics, and Economics (PPE).

1. Introduction -- 2. China, Internet Governance, and the Liberal International Order -- 3. Situating Chinese engagement in Internet governance: China's domestic digital policy reviewed -- 4. On the Normative Impact of Chinese Stakeholders in the Governance of Critical Internet Resources. A Document- and Interview-based Analysis -- 5. On the Normative Impact of Chinese Stakeholders in Mobile Internet Standard-making. A Document- and Interview-based Analysis -- 6. The Rise of China, Internet Fragmentation, and the Future of Multistakeholderism: Implications for the Liberal International Order -- 7. Conclusion.

"Theorists of international relations have laid out two elegant scenarios for the future of Western liberal order. A positive one where rising powers such as China are welcomed into existing institutions and eventually socialized into upholding liberal norms. And a negative one where liberal powers fail to adapt and the new pretenders seek to overturn the order and develop competing institutions. But as China and America face of in the messy reality of the international system, it is becoming increasingly clear that neither is likely to take shape. Seen from Beijing, there was never a binary choice between joining the institutions of the Western liberal order and developing parallel ones in China's image. The Chinese leadership has pursued a carefully calibrated strategy of joining universal institutions, seeking to minimize the constraints they would put an China and developing China-led institutions that exclude the West. Until recently Western states put more effort into reforming and bolstering the universal institutions that they created and only acted outside them in extremis. But faced with gridlocked global institutions, they are increasingly mirroring China's by-pass diplomacy and creating new groupings outside of the universal institutions. In the new order that is taking shape, universal institutions will continue to exist but they are increasingly seen as a transactional space rather than as a blue-print for global government. Most of the energy in the global system is going into a new generation of institutions forged by states with similar levels of development and similar histories. You can think of it as the rise of 'similateralism' - international organisations whose members have flocked together because of similar histories, incomes and levels of development. Rising powers joined Western-led institutions, but regard them with suspicion and work together in a series of 'post-colonial friendship' associations. The established powers - on the other hand - are disconcerted by their loss of control over the universal institutions and are increasingly flocking together into new communities of similar countries. This is creating a new Liberal archipelago of organisations - from the European Union to NATO and the TTIP - that enshrine the principles of the liberal order in new ways. Proponents of this approach argue that, if successful, these similateral institutions are simply a stepping-stone to universal ones. If they are successful, they will incentivize China and other rising powers to join them. But critics are more likely to see these institutions hollowing out the universal order. It is true that some of the dynamics resemble the self-segregation of advanced societies where - with the onset of universal institutions - the wealthy and the privileged have retreated into their own schools, hospitals and gated communities." (author's abstract)