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Responding to the planetary crisis requires just energy transitions. While there is much research and public and policy related dicussion on the just transition, an underappreciated and acknowledged element is that moving to a low carbon or post-carbon economy and society means the end of the fossil fuel energy system. This throws up a host of complex issues ranging from the role of the state and issues of democratic voice and procedure. Central to all of these the recognition of conflict and conflict transformation as characterising any just low carbon energy transition. While the potential for a just transition can lead to a net benefit for society as a whole, any transition will inevitably produce 'winners' and 'losers'. The 'losers', particularly affected workers and communities, will have to be accommodated if the transition is to be considered just. The aim of this chapter is to suggest that understanding and navigating a just transition from carbon energy can benefit from the lessons, insights and real-world experiences of conflict transformation and peacebuilding.

Democratic transition from authoritarian rule has been an important focus of scholarly interest since 1970s. The democratic transition literature presented many concepts, theoretical arguments, methodological and analytical approaches to tackle with this phenomenon. This huge academic accumulation came in conjunction with what was called the third wave of democratization which started in the mid-seventies beginning from southern Europe, and extended during the decades of the eighties and nineties to include many countries around the globe. Democratic transition can be defined as a political process of establishing or enlarging the possibility of democratic participation and liberalization. This process reflects the redistribution of power between the state and the civil society. It is accompanied by the appearance of different centers of power and the introduction of the political debate. The article concentrates on the mechanisms which lead to the consensus between political actors which perform this democratic transformation. Democratic transition thus always requires a mechanism of negotiations, political talks, facilitating compromises between authoritarian politicians and democratic opposition and engendering a minimum level of trust between these parties. The strategy of political compromise has a major impact on the stability of society during the democratic transition period. This article addresses the concept of democratic transition alongside with general theories of democratization and the emergence of democratic transition studies. It focuses on some aspects in explaining the democratic transition theory. The negotiations, political talks and their impact on democratic transitions are also explored by the author. The article specifies the ways and methods through which the democratic transition is taking place in the global world.

The power of elections in Africa revisited / Staffan I. Lindberg -- The relative powerlessness of elections in Latin America / Jennifer L. McCoy and Jonathan Hartlyn -- Elections as levers of democratization: a global inquiry / Jan Teorell and Axel Hadenius -- Post-Cold War political regimes: when do elections matter? / Philip G. Roessler and Marc M. Howard -- Harbinger of democracy: competitive elections before the end of authoritarianism / Jason Brownlee -- All elections are not the same: why power-sharing elections strengthen democratization / Pippa Norris -- Sources of competition under electoral authoritarianism / Andreas Schedler -- Opposition parties and incumbent presidents: the new dynamics of electoral competition in Africa / Lise Rakner and Nicolas van de Walle -- Legislative elections in hegemonic authoritarian regimes: competitive clientelism and resistance to democratization / Ellen Lust-Okar -- Opposition versus dictators: explaining divergent electoral outcomes in post-Communist Europe and Eurasia / Valerie J. Bunce and Sharon L. Wolchik -- Judicial complexity empowering opposition? Critical elections in Armenia and Georgia / Bryon Moraski -- The contingent power of authoritarian elections / Andreas Schedler -- A theory of elections as a mode of transition / Staffan I. Lindberg

Fünf Artikel befassen sich kritisch mit den Aussichten des jüngsten Übergangs zur Demokratie in Nigeria. Ob mit der Wahl von General Obasanjo zum Staatspräsidenten die Macht der reichen Eliten, korrupten Politiker und des Militärs ebenso wie die ethnischen Spannungen zugunsten demokratischer Strukturen begrenzt werden können und sich die Wirtschaft des Landes erholen kann, muss sich erst noch erweisen. Dass politischer Einfluß in Nigeria immer noch teuer erkauft werden muss, demonstriert auch ein Blick auf die Verfahren zur Parteienzulassung. Warum die Nationalkonferenz vom Dezember 1998 nicht zu einem erfolgreichen Start für die Demokratiebewegung wurde, zeigt ein Vergleich der politischen Ausgangsbedingungen in Nigeria und Benin. Wie sich die militärische Hegemonie in Nigeria im Laufe der Jahrzehnte entwickelt hat und welche Hürde sich damit der weiteren demokratischen Entwicklung in den Weg stellt, wird ebenso erörtert wie die Bedeutung des Föderalismus für das Land und General Obasanjos Neigung zur Schaffung zentralistischer Strukturen. (DÜI-Ply)

This article examines the impact of gender relations on democratization. It considers a number of key questions: what role do women's movements play in the transition to democratic rule and what impact does a return to competitive electoral politics have on women and women's movements. The starting point is a critique of the existing literature on democratization. That literature cannot provide a satisfactory analysis of the role of women in transition politics because of the narrow definitions of democracy used and the top-down focus of much of it. The article then develops a gendered analysis through a comparison of the different processes of transition in Latin America and Central and Eastern Europe. It highlights the significance of the relationship between civil society and the state and the existence of "political space."

The classification of the postcommunist reform states as countries in transition seems reasonable, in that it expresses their common past, the radical change they are undergoing, & their orientation toward Western societies. The theories that should explain the different successes of transition or transformation of those societies yield different results. Theories of economic liberalization, democratic consolidation, or the transformation of complex institutional orders locate different central problems of transition & operate with divergent success criteria, which correspond to competing political reform approaches. Whether, under Russia's elites, an imperial self-conception will allow extensive institutional reconstruction, as has occurred in adjoining countries, remains undetermined. Adapted from the source document.

On May 29,1999, the military regime of General Abdulsalami Abubakar handed over the reins of power to retired General Olusegun Obasanjo, winner of the presidential election of February 27, 1999. The hand-over ended nearly sixteen years of military rule in Nigeria, which had only briefly been interrupted by an unelected civilian interim government in 1993. Will the successful transition lead to lasting democratization in Nigeria? Or will it just be the beginning of a civilian interregnum, followed by yet another military take-over? This paper attempts to give some preliminary answers, based on the character of the transition and the main political processes in the past few years. The authors first offer a brief look at Nigeria's recent political history in the nineties, starting with Babangida's aborted transition and the years of Abacha's dictatorship. The developments leading to Abubakar's transition programme, the process itself, especially the elections, and the new civilian government's taking over of affairs constitute the core of the paper. A postscript deals with the first 100 days of Obasanjo's rule. (DÜI-IAK)

This article examines social and political transition in Myanmar (Burma). Strategies for transition in Myanmar have tended to focus on elite-level politics, rather than grassroots democratisation and social mobilisation. However, both approaches are necessary. While change at the national/elite level is urgently required, sustained democratic transition can only be achieved if accompanied by local participation. This article examines the strategic challenges facing ethnic nationalist leaders and communities at this key period in Myanmars history. It also addresses the roles that foreign aid can play in supporting the re-emergence of civil society in Myanmar, and advocates a policy of selective (or targeted) engagement. (Contemp Southeast Aisa/DÜI)