Suchergebnisse

Forgiveness: a foundational concept -- Child soldiering, childhood, and it implications -- Forgiveness language in the literatures -- The fall of Athens and the Civil War -- Disarmament, demobilization and reintegration -- Hearing forgiveness -- Seeing forgiveness -- Conditions favouring forgiveness -- Benefits of forgiveness -- Conclusions -- Methodology

Reports of the amounts received for the demobilization of the troops at the command of Gen. Samuel O. Yúdico. / Relaciones de las cantidades recibidas para el licenciamiento de las tropas al mando del Gral. Samuel O. Yúdico.

Recent research has shown that disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration (DDR) programs often fail to uproot wartime command structures. A key question is why some ex-commanders succeed in retaining control over their ex-fighters, while others are less successful. This study seeks to address this question by comparing four former midlevel commanders (ex-MiLCs) in Liberia and the ex-combatant networks that they head. Contrary to previous assumptions, which have stressed the tendency of ex-fighters to flock around ex-commanders operating in spaces of marginality, I argue that ex-MiLCs employed as government brokers and who funnel patronage from ruling elites to ex-combatants are likely to possess the most durable networks. These findings highlight how ex-military bonds thrive where previous research expects them to be weakest: close to government elites who are often designated as "agents of change" by international peacemakers.

Analyzes the variable impact of social movements during the transitions to democracy in Latin American & Eastern Europe focusing on the case of Chile. It is shown that the transition from authoritarian to democratic regimes opens opportunities for social movements to press for social change, but also presents social movements with certain constraints. While social movements usually expand the impulse to democratization, achievement of certain levels of democracy ends in the demobilization of these movements, especially in situations in which there is a close relationship between political parties & social movements & in which political elites have a commitment to stable democracy. As social movements demobilize, authoritarian elites are often left with considerable power & influence. Thus, while demobilization of social movements increases the stability of democracy, if traditional power relations remain in place, this stability will ultimately be threatened. D. Ryfe

Bibliographical footnotes. ; v. 1. The campaigns of MacArthur in the Pacific.--v. 1. suppl. MacArthur in Japan: the occupation, military phase.--v. 2. Japanese operations in the southwest Pacific area, compiled from Japanese Demobilization Bureaux records. 2 pts. ; Mode of access: Internet.

No one city in the world has a greater experience in urban wars, demobilization and reintegration processes than Medellín. Over the past 30 years Medellín has suffered successive wars, sometimes simultaneously, involving drug cartels, urban militias, guerrillas and paramilitary forces. The city underwent military operations, peace negotiations and the return of thousands of fighters, all while facing ordinary violence. This article demonstrates that the central state interventions were crucial to producing needed changes to reduce violence, while efforts at the local level have been responsible for the changes in the local infrastructure and the sustainability of these improvements. Success depends on many vulnerable factors, though the main challenges to achieve the normalization of security in the city have been exposed.

This unique and fascinating book takes a critical look at aspects of the prevalent entrepreneurship discourse and presents several substantive new theories, prescribing what should be abandoned (demobilization) and what should be adopted or given a more central position (mobilization).

La organización FARC-EP fue reconocida, en la academia y en los medios de comunicación, como la guerrilla más longeva y grande en Latinoamérica. Este trabajo explora la decisión de sus integrantes a desmovilizarse o permanecer en ésta, antes del Acuerdo Final para la Paz. El marco teórico construido alrededor del problema de decisión y los datos de desmovilizaciones me permiten concluir que las motivaciones de los integrantes de las FARC-EP iban más allá del factor más estudiado y divulgado: la búsqueda de rentas. A partir de la literatura, propongo que la organización ofreció incentivos pecuniarios, bienes básicos, y no pecuniarios, satisfacción militar, política y con la vida en la organización, e implementó coerción, para incentivar la permanencia; mientras que el gobierno generó presión militar, creo ofertas para la desmovilización y promovió la influencia de actores externos para incentivar la desmovilización. Los datos revelan que el tipo de desmovilización (grupal o individual) y los factores motivantes están asociados con variables contextuales, determinadas por la organización, así como características sociodemográficas de los integrantes. En el análisis de datos agregados desde 1994, encuentro que en 2008 se reporta el porcentaje desmovilizaciones más alto, lo cual coincide con la mayor crisis de la organización. A su vez, sugiero la existencia de una relación negativa entre las variables proxy de beneficios pecuniarios e incentivos militares con el porcentaje de desmovilizados, y una relación positiva con las variables proxy de presión del Estado. En el análisis de datos micro desde 2008, encuentro que, por ejemplo, en el periodo de negociaciones las desmovilizaciones grupales fueron menos probables y las acciones externas a la organización, como la presión militar y los programas de desmovilización, perdieron importancia como motivantes mientras que factores internos, como la coerción y la desmoralización militar, cobraron relevancia. ; The FARC-EP was recognized, by the academy and the media, as the oldest and largest guerrilla in Latin America. This work investigates how the FARC-EP members¿ made the decision to demobilize or remain in the group, prior to the Final Peace Agreement. Through a theoretical framework and empirical data, I find that the FARC-EP members¿ motivations went beyond the criminal rent-seekers theory. Based on the literature, I propose that the organization encouraged its members¿ permanence through pecuniary and non-pecuniary incentives, basic goods, military, political and life satisfaction, and coercion; while the government generated military pressure, created offers for demobilization and promoted the influence of external actors. The data revealed that the type of demobilization (group or individual) and the motivating factors are associated with contextual variables and the sociodemographic characteristics of the members. The analysis of aggregated data shows that the peak of the demobilization percentage occurred in 2008, during the greatest crisis in the organization. Moreover, I suggest the existence of a negative relationship between the proxy variables of pecuniary benefits and military incentives with the percentage of demobilized members. Meanwhile, I find a positive relationship between the proxy variables of State pressure and the demobilization percentage. Additionally, in microdata, I find that in negotiations period the group demobilizations were less likely, and external factors, as military pressure and demobilization programs, lost importance; whereas internal factors, such as coercion and military demoralization, gained relevance.

Intro -- Contents -- Introduction -- 1. The Impasse of Dissent -- 2. The Stages of Demobilization -- 3. The Shadow World -- 4. Legends of the Underground -- 5. Everything Changed with the Charter -- 6. The Public of the Powerless -- 7. Dreams of a Dissident -- Conclusion -- Notes -- Acknowledgments -- Index.

An examination of the early policy debates in the Soviet leadership on the demobilization of the Red Army & the ways of dealing with scarce resources both in materiel & manpower for purposes of military force structure. Several of the Soviet techniques were inventive in resolving allocation dilemmas. AA.

This is a social history of Germany in the years following the First World War. Germany's defeat and the subsequent demobilization of her armies had enormous economic, social, and psychological consequences for the nation, and it is these which Richard Bessel sets out to explore. Dr Bessel examines the changes brought by the War to Germany, by the return of the soldiers to civilian life and by the demobilization of the economy. He demonstrates how the postwar transition was viewed as a moral crusade by Germans desperately concerned about challenges to traditional authority; and he assesses the ways in which the experiences and memories of the War affected the politics of the Weimar Republic. This original and scholarly book offers important insights into the sense of dislocation, both personal and national, experienced by Germany and Germans after the First World War, and the damaging legacy of the War for German democracy