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The bad news is that critics of the quantitative movement in policy and political science are right (so far). Widely accepted quantitative models of politics promote cynicism and counter‐productive uses of government power. Mainstream social science provides a perverse basis for policy analysis. The good news is that there is no sound scientific reason for the schism between so called "empirical" and "normative" theories of politics. Traditional theories of politics, which show how government power can be used to serve the public interest, can be quantified and tested as empirical theory. The resulting scientific normative theory provides a constructive foundation for policy analysis.

This article reviews the use of experiments in political science. The beginning section offers an overview of experimental design & measures, as well as threats to internal & external validity, & discusses advantages & disadvantages to the use of experimentation. The number & placements of experiments in political science are reviewed. The bulk of the essay is devoted to an examination of what we have learned from experiments in the behavioral economics, political economy, & individual choice literatures. 107 References. Adapted from the source document.

The public's health is intimately linked to politics and policy. But political science has yet to make a major contribution to understanding the political economy of health (as distinct from medical care). In order to advance understanding of the drivers of health in an era of emerging infectious disease and global pandemics, more political scientists must begin to do what we are uniquely well situated to do: analyze in a contextualized way the pathways and mechanisms through which power configurations cause illness and inequity. This article reviews key findings from recent literature about the policy, political, and structural contributors to population health and health equity and sketches what a political economy of health more deeply rooted in political science could look like.

From social work's early days, African American social workers were engaged in what today is termed as political social work, yet their work is often overlooked in both social work education and the broader retelling of our profession's history. This article examines the early history of African American political social work, using Lane and Pritzker's (2018) five domains of political social work. We outline ways in which African American social workers' lived experiences led them to engage in political social work to support community survival and to challenge injustice during the Black Migration period post-slavery, the Jim Crow Era, and the Civil Rights Movement. Even as broader structural dynamics sought to exclude African Americans from the political arena, dynamic and influential African American social workers laid the groundwork for modern political social work. They politically engaged their communities, lobbied for legislation, worked in the highest levels of government, supported campaigns, and ran and held elective office to ensure that civil rights were given and maintained. This manuscript calls for a shift from social work's white-dominant historical narrative and curricula (Bell, 2014; DeLoach McCutcheon, 2019) to assertive discussion of the historic roles African American political social work pioneers played in furthering political empowerment and challenging social injustice.

IN RECENT YEARS THE JOURNALS HAVE PUBLISHED AN INCREASING NUMBER OF ARTICLES WHICH PRESENT OR UTILIZE FORMAL MODELS OF POLITICAL BEHAVIOR AND POLITICAL PROCESSES. AT PRESENT, HOWEVER,THIS RESEARCH PROBABLY REACHE ONLY A SMALL AUDIENCE.

Cet article étudie les rapports entre la façon dont Hobbes établit l'agencement des connaissances et la façon dont il établit l'agencement du pouvoir dans le Leviathan. Il s'intéresse particulièrement à sa théorie du langage et à ses efforts pour atteindre à l'objectivitié à l'aide de la formalisation mathématique, laquelle requiert que soient bannies du raisonnement scientifique toutes les manifestations du discours poétique. A partir de ces prémisses, l'auteur tente de démontrer comment Hobbes entrevoyait l'interdépendance entre la science politique et l'ordre politique en ce sens qu'un Commonwealth durable devait être fondé sur une science de la politique et une science de la politique devait, pour être vraiment une science, devenir la doctrine officielle d'un Commonwealth. De cette manière cependant, et l'agencement des connaissances et l'agencement du pouvoir reposeraient sur des bases formelles assez fragiles qui ne seraient, en somme, que ce qui demeure après que se soient évanouies toute compétition et toute subjectivité.