Suchergebnisse

An analysis of 50 of the more popular novels of the period 1815-1832, chosen on the basis of the catalogues of the British Museum & other libraries, bibliog's, biographies of authors, etc, provides information regarding the att's of the English reading public. The same stereotypes & conventions are constantly repeated, & indicate: (1) a longing for the stable order of the past; (2) a great emphasis on the natural superiority & soc role of the aristocracy, (3) a great interest in Anglicanism as a bulwark against Jacobinism & Popery; & (4) sympathy with the whole conservative position. There is little demand for pol'al change & no sentiment for democracy. To the extent that the taste of novel-readers corresponded to PO as a whole, this study tends to confirm the judgment of historians such as D. C. Somervell who see in the post-Napoleonic period a conservative one in which anti-Jacobinism is still an important factor in the formulation of opinion, in preference to the view of Macaulay & Trevelyan, who present this period as one in which there was an ever-increasing popular demand for reform. IPSA.

This statement in the most recent Human Development Report articulates a conv- tion that has increasingly gained ground in the water community over recent years: the key challenge in the water sector is not a lack of water, knowledge, nancial - sourcesortechnology.Ingeneral,itisthepoliticalspherethatdetermineswhetheror not water problems are solved, whether or not people have access to drinking water, irrigation water and sanitation, whether our natural resource base is developed s- tainable or overexploited, and whether new challenges for the water sector - such as adaptation to climate change - will be tackled or not. Politics (the process of decision-making of groups of people, involving the authoritative allocation of e.g. resources), the actors, their interests and interactions determine whether progress is made or hindered. The outcome of water politics is then re ected in water po- cies, the substantive outcome of the political interplay in terms of regulations, action programs or spending priorities of the various public or private entities concerned.

John Arden is one of the most popular dramatists who found a new place for verse in the theatre and his dramatic nature as covering a wide prospect of themes ranging from political violence, pacifism, repression and anarchy. Pacifism is most relevant theme is the John Arden has broadened his mural by search deep into the contemporary socio-political issues of this era and given voice to them without any hesitation. John Arden is a notable writer among the outstanding dramatists who were held responsible for the revolution in the mid 1950s. The dramatists of this period became popular because of offering many new insights through their dramatic pieces. In the light of these meanings, Arden's plays are examined. Arden is found to be rather uncertain about what he is depicting on the stage, because he presents the conflicting ideas of a social or political problem rather impartially. Arden's basic themes in his drama are based on the social issues related to man's position in society as well as the existence of serious problems that are strongly fatal and lethal in different kinds of societies which are strongly fatal or lethal. John Arden dramatizes the attempts of individuals to deal with the problems of social condemnation. However John Arden felt that such an approach is rewarded not without the danger for the playwright because of the necessary political divisions with the contemporary audience. How can the playwright dramatize these issues of man's conflict with his society in an action that will not isolate his audience? Arden does this by means of common man, changing roles of a character who directly addresses the audience by means of historical ballad form. His function was to draw the audience into the play, while qualities of character are intended to represent that is common to all. On a whole Arden provides a frame work regarding England's corruption, colonialism as part in the procedure of politics.

Politeness plays a vital role in maintaining class differences. In this highly original account, Sara Mills analyses the interrelationship between class and linguistic interaction, uncovering the linguistic ideologies behind politeness in British English. She sheds light on the way politeness and rudeness interrelate with the marking of class boundaries, and reveals how middle-class positions in society are marked by people's use of self-deprecation, indirectness and reserve. Systematically challenging received wisdom about cross-cultural and inter-cultural differences, she goes beyond the mere context of the interaction to investigate the social dimension of politeness. This approach enables readers to analyse other languages in the same way, and a range of case studies illustrate how ideologies of politeness are employed and judged.

An announcement in the first number of the second volume states that it is the intention of the editor to collect into one volume all the Registers from July to Dec. 1816 and into another volume all the Registers from Jan. to Mar. 1817, and to publish them as v. 31 and v. 32 of the work. ; The second and third volumes cover the period from May 1817 to Jan. 181. The title-page of v.2 reads: Cobbett's political register. v.2 American, or v. 33 English. The third volume lacks title-page. Caption title: Cobbett's weekly political register. ; The first volume published at New York from May 21 to Sept. 24, 1816, covers the period from Jan. 6 to June 29, 1816. Title-page reads: Cobbett's American political register. v. 30. Caption title: Cobbett's weekly political register. ; William Cobbett, editor. ; Mode of access: Internet.

National audience All is a case of representations. Nuclear power does not escape this. The concept of representation thus covers all opinions, beliefs and myths which are produced and shared by the members of a group, on the basis of a particular object or system. These may concern major issues and be at the centre of controversy, as is the case for nuclear. The analysis of nuclear representations is therefore fully justified by the decisive impact they have on public debate and political decision-making. The sources of knowledge therefore concern areas as diverse as painting, photography, literature, press articles and drawings, advertising, audiovisual material, and films. ; National audience Tout est affaire de représentations. Le nucléaire n'échappe pas à ce constat. La notion de représentation recouvre ainsi l'ensemble des opinions, des croyances, des mythes qui sont produits et partagés par les membres d'un groupe, à partir d'un objet ou d'un système particulier. Ceux-ci peuvent concerner des enjeux forts et se trouver au centre d'une controverse, comme c'est le cas pour le nucléaire. L'analyse des représentations du nucléaire se justifie donc pleinement du fait de l'impact déterminant qu'elles ont sur le débat public, et la prise de décision politique. Les sources de la connaissance concernent dès lors des domaines aussi divers que la peinture, la photographie, la littérature, les articles et les dessins de presse, la publicité, les documents audio-visuels, et parmi ces derniers les films.

Some have seen the desuetude and final abolition of England's blasphemy laws in 2008 as the belated triumph of a liberalism grounded in individual rationality and consent. Postcolonial scholars, though, have interpreted the decriminalisation of blasphemy as symptomatic of the ideological role of liberal individualism, acting on behalf of a secularised nation-state, in repressing immigrant communities committed to the political exercise of religion. In showing that modern English blasphemy laws arose with the formation of the Anglican confessional state, forming part of its political theology and jurisprudence, this article argues that the abrogation of the laws signified neither the victory of rational individualism nor the triumph of a repressive secular state, but the final undoing of the Anglican settlement by an opposed political theology and jurisprudence.