Populism: Myth, Reality, Current Danger
In: The Western political quarterly: official journal of Western Political Science Association, Band 14, Heft 3, S. 737
ISSN: 0043-4078
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In: The Western political quarterly: official journal of Western Political Science Association, Band 14, Heft 3, S. 737
ISSN: 0043-4078
In: Res publica: politiek-wetenschappelijk tijdschrift van de Lage Landen ; driemaandelijks tijdschrift, Band 53, Heft 2, S. 229-245
ISSN: 0486-4700
In: Schriftenreihe der Atlantik-Brücke Band 08
In: Journal of democracy, Band 23, Heft 2, S. 104-118
ISSN: 1045-5736
World Affairs Online
In: Democratization, Band 27, Heft 6, S. 928-946
ISSN: 1743-890X
World Affairs Online
Populists in the EU often call for restrictions on EU immigrants' access to welfare rights. These calls are often demagogic and parochial. This paper aims to show what exactly is both distinct and problematic with these populist calls from a normative point of view while not necessarily reducible to demagogy and parochialism. The overall aim of the paper is not to argue that all populists call for such restrictions nor to claim that all calls for such restrictions are populist. The purpose of the paper is rather humble. It only aims to show that populist calls for restrictions on EU immigrants' access to welfare rights are characterised by two normatively problematic arguments that target two different subsets of the citizenry: what I dub for the purpose of this paper the moralists and the immoralists. It is the way populists address these two subsets of the citizenry, as well as the fact that they could simultaneously appeal to the concerns of both groups, that makes populist approaches to welfare rights both conceptually distinct to other approaches as well as potentially politically appealing to a more diverse population of voters.
BASE
Populists in the EU often call for restrictions on EU immigrants' access to welfare rights. These calls are often demagogic and parochial. This paper aims to show what exactly is both distinct and problematic with these populist calls from a normative point of view while not necessarily reducible to demagogy and parochialism. The overall aim of the paper is not to argue that all populists call for such restrictions nor to claim that all calls for such restrictions are populist. The purpose of the paper is rather humble. It only aims to show that populist calls for restrictions on EU immigrants' access to welfare rights are characterised by two normatively problematic arguments that target two different subsets of the citizenry: what I dub for the purpose of this paper the moralists and the immoralists. It is the way populists address these two subsets of the citizenry, as well as the fact that they could simultaneously appeal to the concerns of both groups, that makes populist approaches to welfare rights both conceptually distinct to other approaches as well as potentially politically appealing to a more diverse population of voters.
BASE
In: Uluslararası Avrasya Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi: International Journal Of Eurasia Social Sciences, Band 11, Heft 40, S. 341-357
ISSN: 2146-1961
In: Anali Hrvatskog Politološkog Društva: Annals of the Croatian Political Science Association, Band 18, Heft 1, S. 325-342
ISSN: 1847-5299
The main goal of this article is to explore the relationship between populism and representative democracy. The paper is divided into two parts. In the first part, the paper offers a detailed analysis of the three criticisms of populism and the implications these criticisms have on our understanding of representative democracy. First, it addresses the argument that populism inevitably relies on demagogy and it examines the inference this argument has on the concept of political representation in democracy. Second, it discusses the claim that populism relies on the oversimplification of political issues and what this claim reveals about the democratic ideal of the informed and politically responsible voter. The third criticism deals with the anti-pluralist character of populist politics, which, the paper argues, can also be extended to the concept of popular sovereignty itself. In the second part, the article looks more closely at the relationship between populism and representative democracy. Relying on the insights from the first part, it examines different institutional restraints on the will of the majority and how populism redefines these restraints as anti-democratic and elitist barriers to popular will. Finally, the paper questions the prevailing view that sees populism as a phenomenon arising from the tension between liberal and democratic principles within representative democracy and offers an alternative framework for understanding the relationship between populism and democracy.
In: Palgrave handbooks
In: 56 Loyola of Los Angeles Law Review 459 (2023)
SSRN
In: The European Business Review, May 2019
SSRN
Working paper
In: New perspectives on the American presidency
This book evaluates the presidency of Donald Trump from a comparative, historical approach to connect his populist style to his predecessors.
In: Journal of democracy, Band 21, Heft 1, S. 81-92
ISSN: 1045-5736
A large number of nondemocratic regimes (Middle East, former Soviet Union) have demonstrated a remarkable ability to maintain their hold on power. Democracy too, is showing extraordinary resilience partly due to the fact that democratic regimes enjoy a high degree of legitimacy among their own citizens & the world. Advanced democracies seem to be successful when looked at from the outside, but from the inside, dissatisfaction with politics is prevalent. Contempt for politicians, declining trust in political institutions, & outbreaks of scandal & corruption are some of the more severe manifestations. It is amazing that given the dissatisfaction of citizens with democracy's quality & performance, advanced democracies continue to show resilience. This article examines a different way to account for democracy's durability. Adapted from the source document.