Suchergebnisse

Questa tesi di dottorato ha per oggetto l'analisi della dimensione esterna della tutela dei dati personali, ossia lo studio dei meccanismi attraverso cui il diritto dell'Unione Europea assicura ai dati che vengono trasferiti verso Paesi terzi un elevato livello di protezione. In questo modo la tesi si propone di evidenziare i risultati conseguiti alla luce di quella che si rivela sempre più essere una vera e propria "politica estera legislativa" dell'Unione Europea volta alla protezione del diritto fondamentale alla tutela dei dati personali. ; This doctoral thesis deals with the external dimension of personal data protection, thus with the mechanisms by which the law of the European Union ensures an adequate level of protection to the personal data that are transferred to third countries. Under this perspective, the aim of the thesis is to underline the achievements of what amounts to a "legislative foreign policy" of the European Union aimed at the protection of personal data as a fundamental right of the individuals.

Розкриваються особливості парламентської відповідальності уряду в країнах Західної Європи. Визначено, що відповідальність уряду перед парламентом може виступати у вигляді колективної відповідальності уряду як органу виконавчої влади та індивідуальної відповідальності (пов'язана з обов'язком кожного міністра особисто відповідати за діяльність, що проводиться міністерством, яке він очолює). Проаналізовано відносини між органами законодавчої і виконавчої влади, пов'язані з парламентською відповідальністюуряду: вотум довіри, вотум недовіри. ; В статье раскрываются особенности парламентской ответственности правительства в странах Западной Европы. Определено, что ответственность правительства перед парламентом может выступать в виде коллективной ответственности правительства как органа исполнительной власти и индивидуальной ответственности (связана с обязанностью каждого министра лично отвечать за деятельность, проводимую министерством, которое он возглавляет). Проанализированы отношения между органами законодательной и исполнительной власти, связанные с парламентской ответственностью правительства: вотум доверия, вотум недоверия. ; The article reveals the features of parliamentary responsibility of the governments of Western Europe. When the government or some of its members is to be failing to carry out their duties, parliament can initiate procedures which have the potential to replace all or part of the government. There are two different types of procedure. One is the withdrawal of confidence in the government or in individual ministers. The requirement for a certain minimum number of votes to be obtained before such motions can be initiated or passed highlights the relative strengths of the different political groups within parliament. Where the government has a parliamentary majority, it can usually count on that majority to block the motions. The majority of the parliaments in Europe allow votes of no confidence in the government. Where the legitimacy of the government rests on parliamentary confidence, the withdrawal or denial of confidence by parliament can force the government out of power. For a vote of no confidence to be passed an absolute majority of all members of the chamber (or chambers, if votes are taken in joint session) is required. Where the collective responsibility of the Cabinet is stressed, a votum of no confidence againstindividual members is prohibited. Several parliaments admit both collective and individual responsibility and allow both types of no confidence motions. The difference between votum of no confidence in the government as a whole and votum against individual ministers were researched.It is concluded that institute of government' parliamentary responsibility of is the an integral feature of a democratic state with parliamentarianism, ensuring the optimal functioning of the highest bodies of state legislative and executive power.

The article reveals the features of parliamentary responsibility of the governments of Western Europe. When the government or some of its members is to be failing to carry out their duties, parliament can initiate procedures which have the potential to replace all or part of the government. There are two different types of procedure. One is the withdrawal of confidence in the government or in individual ministers. The requirement for a certain minimum number of votes to be obtained before such motions can be initiated or passed highlights the relative strengths of the different political groups within parliament. Where the government has a parliamentary majority, it can usually count on that majority to block the motions. The majority of the parliaments in Europe allow votes of no confidence in the government. Where the legitimacy of the government rests on parliamentary confidence, the withdrawal or denial of confidence by parliament can force the government out of power. For a vote of no confidence to be passed an absolute majority of all members of the chamber (or chambers, if votes are taken in joint session) is required. Where the collective responsibility of the Cabinet is stressed, a votum of no confidence againstindividual members is prohibited. Several parliaments admit both collective and individual responsibility and allow both types of no confidence motions. The difference between votum of no confidence in the government as a whole and votum against individual ministers were researched.It is concluded that institute of government' parliamentary responsibility of is the an integral feature of a democratic state with parliamentarianism, ensuring the optimal functioning of the highest bodies of state legislative and executive power. ; В статье раскрываются особенности парламентской ответственности правительства в странах Западной Европы. Определено, что ответственность правительства перед парламентом может выступать в виде коллективной ответственности правительства как органа исполнительной власти и индивидуальной ответственности (связана с обязанностью каждого министра лично отвечать за деятельность, проводимую министерством, которое он возглавляет). Проанализированы отношения между органами законодательной и исполнительной власти, связанные с парламентской ответственностью правительства: вотум доверия, вотум недоверия. ; Розкриваються особливості парламентської відповідальності уряду в країнах Західної Європи. Визначено, що відповідальність уряду перед парламентом може виступати у вигляді колективної відповідальності уряду як органу виконавчої влади та індивідуальної відповідальності (пов'язана з обов'язком кожного міністра особисто відповідати за діяльність, що проводиться міністерством, яке він очолює). Проаналізовано відносини між органами законодавчої і виконавчої влади, пов'язані з парламентською відповідальністюуряду: вотум довіри, вотум недовіри.

The article reveals the features of parliamentary responsibility of the governments of Western Europe. When the government or some of its members is to be failing to carry out their duties, parliament can initiate procedures which have the potential to replace all or part of the government. There are two different types of procedure. One is the withdrawal of confidence in the government or in individual ministers. The requirement for a certain minimum number of votes to be obtained before such motions can be initiated or passed highlights the relative strengths of the different political groups within parliament. Where the government has a parliamentary majority, it can usually count on that majority to block the motions. The majority of the parliaments in Europe allow votes of no confidence in the government. Where the legitimacy of the government rests on parliamentary confidence, the withdrawal or denial of confidence by parliament can force the government out of power. For a vote of no confidence to be passed an absolute majority of all members of the chamber (or chambers, if votes are taken in joint session) is required. Where the collective responsibility of the Cabinet is stressed, a votum of no confidence againstindividual members is prohibited. Several parliaments admit both collective and individual responsibility and allow both types of no confidence motions. The difference between votum of no confidence in the government as a whole and votum against individual ministers were researched.It is concluded that institute of government' parliamentary responsibility of is the an integral feature of a democratic state with parliamentarianism, ensuring the optimal functioning of the highest bodies of state legislative and executive power. ; В статье раскрываются особенности парламентской ответственности правительства в странах Западной Европы. Определено, что ответственность правительства перед парламентом может выступать в виде коллективной ответственности правительства как органа исполнительной власти и индивидуальной ответственности (связана с обязанностью каждого министра лично отвечать за деятельность, проводимую министерством, которое он возглавляет). Проанализированы отношения между органами законодательной и исполнительной власти, связанные с парламентской ответственностью правительства: вотум доверия, вотум недоверия. ; Розкриваються особливості парламентської відповідальності уряду в країнах Західної Європи. Визначено, що відповідальність уряду перед парламентом може виступати у вигляді колективної відповідальності уряду як органу виконавчої влади та індивідуальної відповідальності (пов'язана з обов'язком кожного міністра особисто відповідати за діяльність, що проводиться міністерством, яке він очолює). Проаналізовано відносини між органами законодавчої і виконавчої влади, пов'язані з парламентською відповідальністюуряду: вотум довіри, вотум недовіри.

Cover; Half Title Page; Title Page; Copyright Page; Declaration; About the Editor; Table of Contents; List of Contributors; List of Abbreviations; Preface; Chapter 1 Measuring the Globalization of Cities from the New Regionalism Perspective; Abstract; Background; Conclusion; Authors' Contributions; Acknowledgements; References; Chapter 2 Dynamics of Volatility Spillover Between Stock Market and Foreign Exchange Market: Evidence from Asian Countries; Abstract; Background; Methods; Results and Discussion; Conclusions; Acknowledgement; Authors' Contributions; References

A review essay on books by (1) Arnaldo Bagnasco & Patrick Le Gales (Eds), Cities in Contemporary Europe (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge U Press, 2000); (2) Patrick Le Gales, European Cities: Social Conflicts and Governance (Oxford, UK: Oxford U Press, 2002); & (3) Peter John, Local Governance in Western Europe (London: Sage, 2001). 28 References.

In 1958, Herman Benson, a longtime socialist and labor editor of a weekly New York tabloid, Labor Action, received a call about three leaders in a Chicago Machinist union local. They had challenged the questionable financial practices of the union business agent, but the union's international president was more upset about their distribution of handbills to members than any malfeasance by the business agent. He put the local under a trustee who promulgated rules banning distribution of any literature (even the Bill of Rights). As the local leaders carried on their protest, two of them were expelled by the president, A. L. Hayes, after he suppressed the results of an internal trial and issued his own verdict. It's an appalling story, but the kicker is that Hayes was also chairman of the new AFL-CIO Ethical Practices Committee.

Abstract
We explore how negative attitudes toward the unemployed are related to countries' overall and long-term (LT) unemployment rate. Insights from the risk attribution and position theory are combined with the in-group–out-group conflict model, derived from migration literature. Multilevel analyses are performed on two waves (2008 and 2016) of the European Social Survey. Negative attitudes toward the unemployed are measured via the item "most unemployed people do not really try to find a job." Results show that in countries with a high LT unemployment rate and/or an increase in this rate, people are more likely to hold negative attitudes toward the unemployed. Moreover, this is more pronounced among people in secure job conditions (those with a permanent contract and/or perceiving job security).