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The process of individualization is a component of the general process of formation of modern societies. The other components are: the formation of capitalism, of industrialism, the process of democratization, urbanization, the formation of modern political and state order. The result of the process of individualization is formation of modern individual. The function and importance of the process is obviously underestimated in sociological theory as compared to the attention given to the processes of formation of capitalism or industrialism. This has become clear as the latest sociology has characterized the contemporary society as "individualized society".The article is dedicated to the analysis of the social-historic process of individualization. Its aim is to bring to light the basic mechanisms through which this process was realized. These basic mechanisms are social differentiation, rationalization and civilization. The analysis of the mechanisms of individualization is based on classical and some contemporary sociological theories. The analysis of social differentiation takes the starting point in the analysis of methodological principles of theory of society and theory of social development of E. Durkheim and G. Simmel. The authors strive to point to the fundamentals of the historic process of social differentiation and its main stages.Rationalization is the main mechanism of the process of individualization. The sociological theories of M. Weber, M. Horkheimer and J. Habermas form the basis of its analysis in the article. This analysis also points to the fundamentals of the process of individualization and to its main stages. 7 The article shows the interconnections of the mechanisms of differentiation, rationalization and civilization in the social-historic process of individualization.The article also strives to show the significance of the principles of individual liberty and equality as fundamental to the modern ideology. ; Процесс индивидуализации является одним из компонентов общего процесса становления обществ модерна наряду с такими процессами, как становление капитализма, индустриализма, процесс демократизации, урбанизации, становление современного политического и государственно-административного порядка. Роль и значение процесса индивидуализации, результатом которого явились становление и развитие современного индивида, очевидно недооценивались в социологии на фоне таких процессов, как становление капитализма или индустриализма, и только предложенный современной социологией диагноз современного общества как "индивидуализированного общества" в полной мере выявил роль и значение процесса индивидуализации.Статья посвящена исследованию социально-исторического процесса индивидуализации и выявлению базовых социальных механизмов, посредством которых этот процесс осуществляется.В статье указываются три базовых социальных механизма процесса индивидуализации, результатом развития которого является становление современного индивида. Речь идет о механизмах социальной дифференциации, рационализации и цивилизации. Анализ этих механизмов осуществляется на примере фундаментальных социологических теорий общества и теорий социального развития и изменения, разработанных в рамках как социологической классики, так и современной социологической теории.Вычленение и реконструкция механизма дифференциации как механизма индивидуализации осуществляется на основе анализа методологических позиций, теории общества и теории социального развития Э. Дюркгейма и Г. Зиммеля. Фиксируются этапы и принципы функционирования этого механизма, которые можно выявить в процессе аналитической реконструкции механизма дифференциации.Реконструкция механизма рационализации как ведущего процесса индивидуализации осуществляется в статье на основе анализа социологической теории М. Вебера и концепций Франкфуртской школы, принадлежащих М. Хоркхаймеру и Ю. Хабермасу. Вскрываются исторические этапы процесса индивидуализации, осуществляющегося на основе этого механизма, выявляется его специфика. Анализ теории Хабермаса позволяет продемонстрировать возможность одновременного использования механизмов дифференциации и рационализации для демонстрации исторического осуществления процесса индивидуализации.В статье демонстрируется связь соответствующих механизмов дифференциации и рационализации, ведущих процесс индивидуализации, с возможностью осуществления изначально заложенных в идеологии модерна принципов свободы и равенства. Начало. Продолжение статьи (Часть II) см. в № 2 за 2018 г.

The article analyzes the oppression of historical science in the Dnipropetrovsk region in the late 1920s–1930s. The description of the historiography of the problem has established that the works of the Soviet period showed repressions as necessary, forced means, rooting this concept in the national science for all subsequent years of the Soviet power. The late 1980s – early 1990s initiated the active search and disclosure of new facts, estimations, axiological vectors, methodological paradigms as for political repressions during the Soviet era. Repressive actions of totalitarian regime, treatment of the historians by the authorities are shown. The article analyzes directions, forms, and methods of ideological work in forming the public opinion about conducting political terror against the humanities scholars (preparation of ordered reviews and critical publications; conclusions of political editors; removal of works by the General Directorate for Literature and Publications; visa-permission for print; ideological labeling; reprimands; exclusion from the party; execution in camps, etc.). Political terror became the most convincing argument of power against the scientific intelligentsia. The "academic affair", which was initiated by the arrest of renowned historians in October 1929, was part of the systemic re-education of the "old professors". It was established that the peak of political repression in this region fell on the 1920s–30s. Historians were subjected to pressure and coercion by authorities and officials; various public, financial, political organizations; the media and the system of public education. Political regimes did not require true historians, but historians-performers. Therefore, those who did not change their views in accordance with the current political system, did not adapt to its ideology, stood against Marxism, were fired, condemned and sentenced to different terms of imprisonment, or physically destroyed. This happened in the years of the struggle with dissident movement. Examples of repressions are presented among the leaders of higher educational institutions, prominent historians, intellectuals of Dnipropetrovsk region (M. Kuis, V. Parkhomenko, V. Bilyi, D. Yavornitskyi, etc.). ; У статті проаналізовано утиски історичної науки на Дніпропетровщині в кінці 1920-х – 1930-ті роки. Характеризуючи історіографію проблеми, встановлено, що в працях за часів СРСР репресії подавались як необхідні, вимушені засоби, і ця концепція укорінилась у вітчизняній науці на всі подальші роки існування радянської влади. В кінці 80-х – на початку 90-х років ХХ ст. розпочався активний пошук і оприлюднення нових фактів, оцінок, ціннісних орієнтацій, нових методологічних парадигм щодо політичних репресій у радянську добу. Показано репресивні дії тоталітарного режиму, особливості ставлення влади до істориків. Проаналізовано напрямки, форми і методи ідеологічної роботи спеціальних органів у формуванні суспільної думки щодо проведення політичного терору проти науковців-гуманітаріїв (підготовка замовних рецензій та критичні публікації, висновок політредактора, вилучення літератури Головлітом, віза-дозвіл на друк, навішування ідеологічних ярликів, догана, виключення з партії, розстріл у таборах тощо). Політичний терор став найпереконливішим аргументом влади проти наукової інтелігенції. «Академічна справа», яку започаткували арешти відомих вчених-істориків у жовтні 1929 р., була складовою частиною системного перевиховання «старої професури». Встановлено, що пік політичних репресій у цьому краї припадає на 20–30-ті роки ХХ ст. Історики піддавалися тиску і примусу з боку влади та чиновників, різних громадських, фінансових, політичних організацій, засобів масової інформації та системи народної освіти. Політичні режими потребували не фахівців-істориків, а істориків-виконавців. Ті, хто не змінював своїх поглядів відповідно до діючої політичної системи, не пристосовувався до її ідеології, був проти марксизму, звільнялися з роботи, засуджувалися і отримували різні терміни тюремного ув'язнення або були знищені фізично. Подібне відбувалося й у роки боротьби з дисидентством. Наводяться приклади репресій серед керівників вищих навчальних закладів, видатних істориків, інтелігенції на Дніпропетровщині (М. Куїс, В. Пархоменко, В. Білий, Д. Яворницький та ін.).

A ideologia é uma categoria indispensável para análise e compreensão do processo educacional nos dias de hoje. Práticas pedagógicas ideológicas podem estar presentes tanto no plano da consciência quanto do falseamento da realidade. A questão é saber: qual a concepção ideológica presente no processo pedagógico da alfabetização? A fim de responder esta questão, realizou-se uma pesquisa etnográfica em duas escolas públicas do Distrito Federal, destacando-se as categorias: concepção pedagógica da escola e concepção pedagógica do professor e o compromisso político, ideológico com o trabalho docente. O objetivo deste artigo é analisar a concepção pedagógica de professores e gestores da alfabetização numa perspectiva ideológica. Verificou-se com a pesquisa que a concepção pedagógica de professores e gestores da alfabetização é compreendida como atingir metas de alfabetização e letramento. A interdisciplinaridade, currículo integrado, mesmo existindo nos documentos e nas falas dos entrevistados, nas observações diretas, não se constatou na prática. A concepção numa perspectiva ideológica está no autoconvencimento que está contribuindo com o processo pedagógico de qualidade, porém torna-se contraditório na manutenção de momentos de treinamento para as avaliações nacionais a fi m de alcançar resultados satisfatórios.Palavras-chave: Alfabetização. Ideologia. Processo pedagógicoIdeological conception in the pedagogical process of literacyABSTRACTIdeology is a category now indispensable for the analysis and understanding of the educational process. Ideological pedagogical practices may be present in the plan of consciousness and the falsification of reality. The question is: what is the ideological conception present in the pedagogical process of literacy? In order to answer this question an ethnographic research was carried out in two public schools of the Federal District, highlighting the categories: the pedagogical conception of the school and the pedagogical conception of the teacher and the political, ideological commitment with the teaching work. The aim of this article is to analyze the pedagogical conception of teachers and literacy managers in an ideological perspective. It was verified with the research that the pedagogical conception of teachers and managers of literacy is understood as reaching goals of literacy and literacy. The interdisciplinarity, integrated curriculum, even existing in the documents and speeches of the interviewees, in the direct observations, it was not verifi ed in practice. The conception in an ideological perspective is in the selfconviction that is contributing with the pedagogical process of quality, but becomes contradictory in the maintenance of training moments for the national evaluations in order to reach satisfactory results.Keywords: Literacy. Ideology. Pedagogical process.Concepcion ideológica en el proceso pedagógico de la alfabetizaciónRESUMENLa ideología es una categoría indispensable para análisis y comprensión del proceso educativo en los días de hoy. Prácticas pedagógicas ideológicas pueden estar presentes tanto en el plano de la conciencia cuanto del falseamiento de la realidad. La cuestión es saber: ¿cuál es la concepción ideológica presente en el proceso pedagógico de la alfabetización? Con la finalidad de responder a esta cuestión, se realizó una investigación etnográfica en dos escuelas públicas del Distrito Federal, destacándose las categorías: concepción pedagógica de la escuela y concepción pedagógica del profesor y el compromiso político, ideológico con el trabajo docente. El objetivo de este artículo es analizar la concepción pedagógica de profesores y gestores de la alfabetización en una perspectiva ideológica. Se verifi có con la investigación que la concepción pedagógica de profesores y gestores de la alfabetización es comprendida como alcanzar metas de alfabetización y alfabetismo. La interdisciplinariedad, currículo integrado, mismo existiendo en los documentos y en las palabras de los entrevistados, en las observaciones directas, no se constató en la práctica. La concepción en una perspectiva ideológica está en el autoconvencimiento que está contribuyendo con el proceso pedagógico de calidad, pero se vuelve contradictorio en el mantenimiento de momentos de entrenamiento para las evaluaciones nacionales a fin de alcanzar resultados satisfactorios.Palabras clave: Alfabetización. Ideología. Proceso Pedagógico.

The federal government has a monopoly over the terms of immigration law, and it superintends the nation's singular immigration enforcement bureaucracy. But our federalism nonetheless provides a vital playing field for sharp debates over the status of immigrants in American life. The forms of state and local involvement in immigration policy are varied, but they fall into two basic categories of mutually dependent and re-enforcing policies: enforcement federalism and integration federalism. Whereas enforcement federalism concerns the extent to which localities should assist or resist federal removal policies, integration federalism encompasses measures designed to assist immigrants, regardless of status, to plant roots and acculturate to life in the United States. Both forms of immigration federalism take shape through a wide variety of intergovernmental relations, not only between the federal government on the one hand and states and localities on the other, but also between states and the cities within them — an increasingly important dimension of immigration federalism today. These relations have important legal characteristics, and constitutional and statutory law bring them into being and mediate them. But the nature of any given intergovernmental dynamic will be shaped just as much by a combination of ideology and institutional imperatives. These elements can either unite the center and the periphery in common cause or produce the sort of conflict that has made immigration federalism a high-profile issue for decades. Given the density of the intergovernmental dynamics that shape the country's immigration policy, developing a comprehensive strategy for immigration federalism requires more than a predilection toward or away from centralization of government authority. It requires a clear view on the appropriate metes and bounds of immigration enforcement, as well as a set of beliefs about the proper place in the social order of immigrants with different legal statuses. While this essay remains largely (though not entirely) agnostic on these questions, it offers four basic principles to frame any future federalism agenda. First, when it comes to enforcement federalism, the federal government ought to acknowledge the reasons that localities might resist federal enforcement efforts, at least as a matter of politics, and if only to ensure that federal policy is subjected to accountability checks by competing, external pressures. Second, whatever the value of resistance to enforcement, a federalism agenda should include efforts by all levels of government to identify a manageable equilibrium that reconciles the federal government's constitutional and statutory responsibilities for maintaining an enforcement regime with the local politics of immigration and the lived realities of immigrant communities. Third, when it comes to integration federalism, the problem of illegal immigration must be solved, and only the federal government can do so decisively. Federalism can only mediate the political conflict over status and help set the terms for its ultimate resolution. And yet, the structural reasons that have given rise to integration federalism should re-enforce the country's commitment to locally driven integration policy, supported by a national-level commitment to information sharing, coordination, and resource support. Finally, because both enforcement and integration policy require systemic flexibility, it is important not to confuse arguments on the merits of immigration policy with structural claims. In other words, scholars, advocates, or policymakers should exercise humility and circumspection when developing conversation-stopping claims that a certain intergovernmental relation is required by law, especially in a context as charged as immigration policy.

Las redes sociales se han integrado en las rutinas productivas de los periodistas. Se han convertido en otro altavoz para la difusión de contenidos y la interacción con el público. En cambio, en su papel de fuente informativa despiertan controversia. Para informarse, los profesionales suelen optar por la inmediatez de Twitter. El objetivo de este artículo es evaluar el contenido de los tuits asociados a hashtags, para calibrar su potencial como fuente informativa de sucesos imprevistos. Para este propósito, con las técnicas del análisis de contenido cuantitativo y cualitativo, se han analizado los tuits vinculados a #ArdeValencia, etiqueta que alude a los incendios forestales de julio de 2012 en Valencia (España), que quemaron 50000 hectáreas. Las conclusiones indican que se difunde poca información exclusiva. Sin embargo, es frecuente la reiteración de opiniones y datos ya publicados en los medios tradicionales. Desde esta perspectiva, es cuestionable el valor de Twitter como fuente informativa, pero puede funcionar como termómetro del ambiente. Al respecto, casi la mitad de tuits contiene comentarios y críticas contra el Gobierno valenciano, por los recortes presupuestarios en prevención de incendios. En este sentido, se constata el uso del hashtag como herramienta de posicionamiento ideológico. ; Journalists have integrated social networks in their professional routines. Social networks allow spreading content and interacting with the audience. However, in its role as an information source, they are controversial. Journalists often choose the immediacy of Twitter to get information. The aim of this paper is to analyze the content of tweets associated to hashtags to measure its potential as an information source of unexpected events. In order to do so, we have used a combination of quantitative and qualitative techniques of content analysis. We have studied the tweets linked to #ArdeValencia, a tag about the wildfires in July 2012 in Valencia (Spain), which burned 50000 hectares. The findings indicate that almost no scoop is disseminated. We detect little exclusive information. Nevertheless, it's frequent to find reiterative comments, data and news previously published in the traditional media. From this perspective, Twitter's role as an information source is doubtful, but it can work as an ambiental thermometer. In fact, about half of tweets criticize the Valencian Government, due to their budget cuts on wildfire prevention. Therefore, we note users use hashtags to take sides and express their ideology. ; As redes sociais têm se integrado nas rotinas produtivas dos jornalistas. Têm-se convertido em outro alto-falante para a difusão de conteúdos e a interação com o público. No entanto, em seu papel de fonte informativa despertam controvérsia. Para se informar, os profissionais costumam optar pela imediatez do Twitter. O objetivo deste artigo é avaliar o conteúdo dos tweets associados a hashtags, para calibrar seu potencial como fonte informativa de acontecimentos imprevistos. Para este propósito, com as técnicas da análise de conteúdo quantitativo e qualitativo, se têm analisado os tweets vinculados a #ArdeValencia, etiqueta que alude aos incêndios florestais de julho de 2012 em Valência (Espanha), que queimaram 50.000 hectares. As conclusões indicam que difunde-se pouca informação exclusiva. No entanto, é frequente a reiteração de opiniões e dados que têm sido publicados nos meios tradicionais. Desde esta perspectiva, é questionável o valor do Twitter como fonte informativa, mas pode funcionar como termómetro do ambiente. Ao respeito, quase a metade de tweets contém comentários e críticas contra o Governo valenciano, pelos recortes orçamentários em prevenção de incêndios. Neste sentido, constata-se o uso do hashtag como ferramenta de posicionamento ideológico.

This study analyses respectively the Chinese and the French language policies adopted by the People's Republic of China and France. As China intends to modernize and to promote Chinese throughout the country and abroad, we will use the comparative study to figure out if France could serve as an example in terms of language policy and language planning. The simplification of the Chinese characters, the romanization of the transcription of the Chinese characters and the promotion of the putonghua were considered as the major issues of the language affairs. With the opening and reform policy, the Chinese language is influenced by the foreign languages, especially English. Meanwhile, the authority try to promote the Chinese language over the world and reinforce its soft power, especially after the action plan the Belt and the Road Initiative was put forward. The French government does not regulate the choice of language in publications by individuals, but the use of French is required by law in commercial and work place communications. In addition to mandating the use of French in the territory of the Republic, the French government tries to promote French in the European Union and globally through institutions such as la Francophonie. We will adopt the diachronic method to demonstrate how the French government regulates its French language affairs both in language status and language corpus (language itself) and the evolution of the ideology of the language policy makers. By comparing the language affairs of the two countries in language status and corpus, the measures taken by France as the legal mechanism, the cooperation initiatives, the language promotion are of benefit to China, who shall also learn the lessons taken by France. As for the language system, the language policy and planning should take account of the specialty of the language to carry out appropriate measures favoring the use of the Chinese language. ; Cette recherche analyse respectivement les politiques linguistiques de la langue chinoise et française menées sous la République populaire de Chine et la Ve République française. En adoptant une approche comparative, nous essayons de voir si les expériences vécues par la France pourront servir de modèle à la Chine qui, en matière de travaux de l'aménagement linguistique de la langue chinoise, cherche à la moderniser et diffuser à l'ère d'information tant au niveau national qu'à l'échelle internationale. La simplification des caractères chinois, la romanisation de transcription des caractères chinois et la généralisation du putonghua constituent les trois préoccupations majeures des affaires linguistiques de la Chine. À cela s'ajoute que la multiplication des échanges internationaux fait en sorte que la promotion de la langue chinoise sur la scène internationale figure dans l'ordre du jour. D'autant que l'initiative stratégique les nouvelles Routes de soie terrestre et maritime demande davantage la diffusion de la langue chinoise le long de ces régions et une construction du Vivre ensemble des langues dans cette configuration multilingue. En partant du constat que, en France existe une société multilingue riche en culture et que ce pays d'influence internationale, face à la puissance de la langue anglaise, veut renforcer la vitalité et l'influence de la langue française, la présente étude examine les travaux linguistiques menés sous la Ve République française. Que ce soit sur le statut ou le corpus de la langue, nous notons que les mesures d'interventions de la France dont les suivis de contrôles, la démarche coopérative et participative en terminologie et néologie, la promotion de la langue française appuyée sur le réseau francophone seront profitables à la Chine. Mais en Chine, un pays tellement étendu, la mise en place d'une politique linguistique sera plus scrupuleuse en tenant compte de la disparité régionale et la différence entre le corpus des deux langues exige alors un aménagement spécifique.

In the first issue of Syria Studies to be published in 2017, we are pleased to share three studies that provide important insights on subjects that have gained significant importance in recent times in so far as how they relate to the Syrian context: siege warfare, political cartoons, and gender politics.In Isolating Dissent, Punishing the Masses: Siege Warfare as Counter-Insurgency, Will Todman analyses the intricate relationship between the nature of the Syrian regime and the military tactics it opted to use to suppress those opposed to it, both during the insurgency phase, and the subsequent civil war. Sieges were effective because they allowed the regime to make optimal use of its military advantage. Once you have a segment of the population in a restricted area, you not only control food and medical supplies, but you can also unleash an indiscriminate bombardment campaign, as the regime indeed did. Todman provides a historic context to the use of these tactics by the Syrian regime (i.e. Hama), and addresses the important question of whether or not siege warfare helped the regime survive.In Whose Problem Is It Anyway? The Depiction of Syrian Refugee Influx in Political Cartoons, Özlem Özdemir and Emrah Özdemir explore the way in which the crisis of Syrian refugees was depicted by cartoons that appeared in Western media. In focusing on twelve randomly selected political cartoons, the authors tell a story of suffering that begins with why the refugee is fleeing and ends with how the refugee is being received by both border countries and beyond. The use of political science and communication theory to analyse these cartoons is not common in the current literature and constitutes an important contribution.In Interrogating the Construction of Gendered Identity in the Syrian Nationalist Narrative: Al-Husari, Aflaq and al-Arsuzi, Rahaf Aldoughli sheds an important light on how early Bathist theoreticians planted the intellectual foundation for the way in which gender roles were to be understood and, subsequently, taught and applied in Baathist Syria. Using extensive quotes from original sources, Aldoughli documents the systematic masculinisation of conceptions of nationhood by Baathist theoreticians. Perhaps most significant was the "normalisation of militarism in the national narrative" which, resulted in perpetuating "a hierarchy that obstructs the elimination of the gender gap in the Syrian constitution and legislation."The important common denominator between the above noted studies is 'impact'; more specifically, the extent to which a specific method or idea achieved its desired impact. Todman explores the impact of siege warfare and concludes that despite the fact that the war economy allowed for besieged populations to receive a level of relief, sieges were overall successful in that they allowed for the regime to make use of its military advantage and survive a dire challenge to its very existence. While Özdemir and Özdemir showed that political cartoons can indeed be used to better understand a specific phenomenon, they equally demonstrated that political cartoons are ultimately expressive of a specific mindset that the majority of a population has at any given moment in time, rather than instruments by which public perceptions can be significantly changed. Indeed, the plight of Syrian refugees was not impacted in any significant way by the cartoons examined here. Finally, Aldoughli explores the impact of Baathist ideology on the way in which gender conceptions and roles were manifested in Baathist Syria. Here, impact is easily discerned. The works of early Baathist theoreticians, systematically and deliberately, became the ideological underpinnings of a society that is dominated by the idea of a militarized nation in which men lead both the state and the family.

During the 1940s, Puerto Rico enjoyed the benefits of a U.S. sponsored economic boom as a result of the Second World War. Taking advantage of this influx of capital, the Puerto Rican government's sport and recreation commission, led by Julio Enrique Monagas, sought out an island-wide plan to build sport and recreational facilities under a social justice ideology. The mass-produced athletic parks were built in both the major urban cities as well as in the rural towns, a process later dubbed a "sport revolution." The government, through its sports commission, claimed that the mass athletic construction project was to uplift society, as well as a long awaited push for athletic modernization. However, more than top-down government policies, the politics of sport and recreation entailed popular demands for even more and better parks and programming. Thus, at stake with the plan, also known as "Un parque para cada pueblo," was the negotiation over the terms of a hegemonic relation between the emerging Partido Popular Democrático, the citizenry, and in turn U.S. colonialism. ; Durante los años 1940, Puerto Rico disfrutó de los beneficios del boom económico resultado de la Segunda Guerra Mundial y auspiciado por los Estados Unidos. Aprovechándose de esta entrada de capital, la comisión de deporte y recreo del gobierno de Puerto Rico, liderada por Julio Enrique Monagas, persiguió un plan abarcador para construir facilidades deportivas y recreativas bajo una ideología de justicia social. Estos parques atléticos producidos en masa fueron construidos tanto en ciudades urbanas como en pueblos rurales, un proceso luego llamado una "revolución deportiva". El gobierno, a través de su comisión de deportes, argumentó que el proyecto de parques atléticos en masa era tanto para la sustentación popular, como para el tan ansiado empuje para la modernización de los deportes. Sin embargo, más que una política de arriba hacia abajo, la política de los deportes y la recreación conllevó demandas populares para más y mejores parques y programación deportiva. ; Durant les années 40, Porto Rico bénéficia de l'essor économique survenu aux États-Unis après la deuxième Guerre mondiale. Profitant de cet afflux de capitaux, selon une idéologie de justice sociale la Commission des sports et loisirs du gouvernement portoricain, présidée par Julio Enrique Monagas, a mit en place un programme de construction d'installations sportif et de loisirs à travers l'île. Les stades furent construits en masse non seulement dans les zones urbaines mais aussi dans les zones rurales, un processus qui par la suite sera appeler « révolution sportive ». Par le biais de cette Commission des sports, le gouvernement expliquait que l'objectif de ce vaste projet de construction n'était que pour moderniser le système sportif et répondre au besoin de la societé. Toutefois, cette politique de sports et loisirs découlait plus d'exigences la part du public pour des meilleures installations et de programmes sportifs. Ainsi, l'un des enjeux de ce programme, connu sur le nom « Un parque para cada pueblo » (Un parc pour chaque ville), fut le motif des au-delà d'une modernisation des infrastructures attendue de longue date, devait contribuer à améliorer la société. Toutefois, cette politique de sports et loisirs découlait plus d'exigences accrues de la part du public pour des installations et des programmes que de décisions gouvernementales venues d'en haut. Ainsi, un des enjeux de ce programme, aussi connu comme « Un parque para cada pueblo » (Un parc pour chaque ville), fut la négociation des termes d'une relation hégémonique entre le Partido Popular Democrático émergent, les citoyens, et le colonialisme nord-américain.

This article deals with the semantics of wild nature, found in Karamzin's works. The author tries to answer the question of what Karamzin himself considered European or Russian wild nature to be. The concretization of the meaning of wild nature in Karamzin's works seems relevant if we have in mind the big number of literary and cultural researches (within the frame of ecocriticizm and not only) that analyze wild nature. Though a considerable amount of scientific literature has been devoted to the theme of nature in Karamzin's works, the notion of wild nature hasn't been systematically investigated. In this article, attention is paid to the contexts in which nature is referred to as "wild."Here, it is shown that Karamzin's relation to wild nature was ambivalent. The semantics of European and Russian wild nature are different and have both positive and negative aspects. This difference is explained by the specifics of the aesthetical optics of the narrator (the aesthetics of the picturesque or the sublime) and by his narrative position (a personalized relationship toward nature or a governmental point of view). Wild nature that is aesthetically attractive to Karamzin is the one that minimally experienced the influence of man and is part of picturesque aesthetics, or the nature that it is the quintessence of the sublime –the mountains. However, wild nature that didn't experience the influence of man and that is not part of the picturesque aesthetics, as it is with the bigger part of Russian nature (steppes, forests, marshes, empty spaces) does not have such a pleasing effect; on the contrary, it frightens the narrator, and from the governmental point of view – which Karamzin shares – it should be controlled and subdued. In this article, it is concluded that Karamzin was not the Russian Henry Thoreau, and his relationship toward wild nature, both positive and negative, was mostly based on the ideology of the Enlightenment. LAUKINĖS GAMTOS SEMANTIKA N. M. KARAMZINO KŪRYBOJE: AR KARAMZINAS BUVO RUSIŠKUOJU HENRIU TOROŠiame straipsnyje analizuojama laukinės gamtos semantika N. Karamzino kūryboje. Darbe tikslinama, ką Karamzinas laikė laukine europietiška ir rusiška gamta. Laukinės gamtos sampratos tikslinimas Karamzino darbuose yra aktualus, turint omenyje nemažą skaičių literatūrinių bei kultūrinių tyrimų (ekokritikos ir ne tik jos rėmuose), kuriuose tiriama laukinė gamta. Nors gamtos tematika Karamzino kūryboje nėra nauja mokslininkų akiratyje, tačiau laukinės gamtos samprata sistemingo tyrimo nesusilaukė. Straipsnyje atkreipiamas dėmesys į tai, kokiuose kontekstuose gamta įvardijama kaip "laukinė".Šiame straipsnyje parodoma, kad Karamzino požiūris į laukinę gamtą buvo ambivalentiškas. Europietiškos ir rusiškos laukinės gamtos semantika skiriasi ir turi tiek neigiamą, tiek teigiamą aspektą. Šis skirtumas aiškinamas pasakotojo estetinės optikos ypatumais (vaizdingumo / pakylėtumo estetika) bei jo pasakojimo pozicija (suasmenintu santykiu ar valstybine perspektyva). Estetiškai Karamziną žavi laukinė gamta, kuri minimaliai patyrė žmogaus įtaką ir atitinka vaizdingumo reikalavimus arba pakylėtumo estetikos kvintesenciją – kalnai. Tačiau laukinė gamta, nepatyrusi žmogaus įtakos arba neatitinkanti vaizdingumo reikalavimų, kaip yra su didžiausia Rusijos gamtos "dalimi" (stepės, miškai, pelkės, tuščios erdvės), ne tiek žavi, kiek baugina pasakotoją, ir valstybinės perspektyvos požiūriu turi būti kontroliuojama. Straipsnyje daroma išvada, kad Karamzinas nebuvo rusiškuoju Henriu Toro, o jo požiūris į laukinę gamtą, tiek negatyvus, tiek ir pozityvus, daugiausiai išreiškė Apšvietos epochos ideologiją. ; В статье анализируется семантика дикой природы в творчестве Н. М. Карамзина. В работе выясняется и уточняется то, что понимал Карамзин под дикой природой – европейской и русской. В статье показывается, что отношение Карамзина к дикой природе было амбивалентным. Семантика дикости европейской и русской природы различна и обладает положительной или отрицательной валентностью. Различие объясняется особенностями эстетической оптики повествователя (эстетика живописного или возвышенного) и его повествовательной позиции (индивидуализированное отношение или государственная перспектива). Автор приходит к выводу, что отношение Карамзина к дикой природе в целом укладывается в рамки идеологии эпохи Просвещения.

There have been many studies of the biology of red snapper; however, there are few studies addressing the social dynamics of the Gulf of Mexico (GOM) red snapper fishery1 and its effect on stock management. The GOM red snapper fishery was in decline from the 1950s through the 1980s from years of rampant overfishing. A rebuilding plan was established in 1984 under the Magnuson-Stevens Act guidelines, placing stringent regulations on red snapper fishing. To successfully rebuild the fishery by 2032, federal seasons and quotas have been shortened to allow the stock to grow. Recreational fishermen have become increasingly unhappy with the shortening of days on the water and have partnered with recreational interest groups to call upon the state legislature for an overturn of management to the states and a return to magnanimous access. In July 2015, on behalf of the directors of the five Gulf States' natural resource agencies' marine fish divisions, Congressman Garrett Graves (R-La) proposed H.R. 3094 The Gulf States Red Snapper Management Authority Act to transfer federal management of red snapper to each state through a quasi-governmental management authority comprised of the directors of each Gulf State's fish and wildlife commissions (U.S. House of Representatives, n.d.; Appendix A). The H.R. 3094 proposal declares there will be one management authority, the Gulf States Red Snapper Management Authority, who will create an overarching management plan for red snapper in the Gulf region, from which the five Gulf States can then choose state-specific regulations and seasons. Although federal management has greatly improved the conditions for the species over the past few decades under the Magnuson-Stevens Fishery Conservation and Management Act, increasing the fishery's total annual catch limit from roughly over 6- million pounds in 2007 to slightly over 12-million pounds in 20142, the Gulf States might ignore conservation tenets, that have successfully rebuilt the fishery because the States' preferred natural resource management ideology, the North American Model of Wildlife Conservation, promotes lenient management, unlimited public access, and an elimination of markets (commercial fishing). This study uses stock assessments to establish the relative effectiveness of federal management for red snapper to date, examines documents that reveal the Gulf States' plans for managing red snapper, and reports key points from interviews with several stakeholders and interest groups to reveal the agendas of those who want to shift management of the red snapper fishery from the federal level to state control. When asked about data collection and stock assessments, participants called for better recreational data, fishery independent data, and more timely data. Noncompliance with federal fishing season suggestions and recreational quota overages have led to tension and mistrust amongst stakeholders, further widening the rift between state and federal management. Results show that 12/15 participants from stakeholder groups including environmental advocacy organizations, dual-permitted fishermen, a seafood dealer, and federal scientists, do not support a state takeover and believe it is a hunt for access by recreational fishermen. These participants also fear H.R. 3094 would reverse the progress that has been made towards rebuilding the red snapper stock under the Magnuson- Stevens Act. Three participants, representing state and recreational interests, insist that the stock is nearly rebuilt and that more flexible management is now possible. Although stock assessments show that total biomass is increasing, the spawning potential ratio is only half way to the rebuilding target and age variation within the population still needs improvement, therefore fidelity to the recovery plan is necessary in order to reach the red snapper rebuilding target by 2032.

ITALIANO: Seguendo gli studi di Percy Ernst Schramm sulla Staatssymbolik, gli storici hanno in genere considerato i ritratti regi medievali come immagini in grado di riflettere le concezioni del potere e le ideologie politiche medievali e che possono legittimare l'autorità regia e rafforzare l'ammirazione verso il sovrano. Questa interpretazione ha anche avuto un impatto cruciale sull'analisi delle ideologie monarchiche e della sacralità regia durante il Medioevo. Tuttavia, le recenti ricerche approntate in Germania sulla prassi sociale della Memoria hanno aperto a nuove prospettive creando un attivo dibattito storiografico sulla funzione sociale e sul significato dei ritratti regi all'interno dei contesti liturgici durante il Medioevo (funzione politica/propagandistica vs funzione religiosa/devozionale). Questo libro mira a stimolare questo dibattito analizzando funzioni e messaggi delle immagini regie caratterizzate da figure e simboli sacri e da un contesto religioso e liturgico nel regno di Sicilia (1130-1189). Nello specifico esso investiga tre ritratti regi: San Nicola benedice Ruggero II nella Basilica di San Nicola a Bari; Cristo incorona Ruggero II nella Chiesa di Santa Maria dell'Ammiraglio a Palermo; e Cristo incorona Guglielmo II nella Cattedrale di Monreale. Andando oltre i tradizionali approcci metodologici, la sua esegesi evita un'analisi, per così dire, a 'senso unico' nella quale l'opera d'arte è esaminata in maniera 'autonoma' rispetto al suo contesto storico, politico e funzionale. Inoltre, esso studia il ritratto regio come parte di una più ampia strategia di comunicazione che punta a mettere in scena la figura monarchica comparando le fonti iconografiche con le informazioni fornite dalle testimonianze scritte relative alla regalità monarchica ufficiale. Questa nuova analisi dei ritratti regi normanni di contesto religioso e liturgico porta a originali prospettive e usa nuovi spunti per riformulare le idee tradizionalmente possedute dalla storiografia a questo riguardo e relativamente alle ideologie politiche e alla sacralità regia normanna. / ENGLISH: Following Percy Ernst Schramm's studies on Staatssymbolik, historians have in general considered medieval royal portraits as images mirroring medieval notions of power and political ideology that can legitimate power and strengthen admiration of the king. This interpretation has also had a crucial impact on the analysis of monarchic ideologies and sacral kingship during the Middle Ages. However, the research prompted in Germany on the social praxis of Memoria has opened up new perspectives, by creating an active historiographical debate about the social function and meaning of royal portraits in the liturgical context during the Middle Ages (political/propagandistic vs religious/devotional). This book aims to foster this debate by analysing the functions and meanings of monarchic pictures characterized by sacral figures and symbols and religious and liturgical contexts in the Norman kingdom of Sicily (1130-1189). In the specific, it investigates three royal portraits: St. Nikolas blesses Roger II in the Basilica of St. Nikolas in Bari; Christ crows Roger II in the Church of St. Mary of the Admiral in Palermo; and Christ crowns William II in the Cathedral of Monreale. By going beyond traditional methodological tactics, its exegesis avoids a 'one-way' approach in which artwork is analysed in an 'autonomous' manner that extrapolates it from its historical, political and functional context. Moreover, it studies royal portraiture as part of a wider communicative strategy to create a mise-en-scène around the monarchic figure by comparing the iconographic sources and the information provided by written evidence regarding the monarch's official kingship. This new analysis of the Norman royal portraits in the religious and liturgical context leads to original perspectives and uses new cues to reformulate the traditional ideas held by historiography in this regard and on political ideologies and royal sacrality.

Deze studie richt zich op de ideologische cultivereing van Oudnoordse mythologie in de context van IJslands groeiende nationale zelfbewustzijn in de periode tussen ca. 1820 en 1918. IJslands middeleeuwse Edda´s zijn, sinds de middeleeuwen, door Denen, Noren, Duitsers en Engelsen toegeëigend en geïnstrumentaliseerd, en werden eerder omschreven als ´Noords´, ´Scandinavisch´ of ´Germaans´ dan als IJslands. Debatten over Oudnoordse cultuur hebben niet alleen IJslandse, maar ook andere Europese vertogen over culturele identiteit mede-gevormd. In de loop van de negentiende eeuw raakten IJslandse intellectuelen geïnspireerd door het romantisch nationalisme, en begonnen zij ´hun´ culturele erfgoed voor zichzelf op te eisen, ondermeer door de mythen in nieuwe, uitgesproken IJslandse interpretatiekaders te plaatsen. De nationalisering van de Edda´s voltrok zich op de lange termijn en nam vele verschillende vormen aan in dichtkunst en de beeldende kunsten, in de vorm van ´invented traditions´ en in spirituele bewegingen, in tijdschriften en kranten, in publieke ruimtes en in academische debatten over geschiedenis, Oudnoordse filologie en folklore. Hoe verhield de IJslandse omgang met de mythen zich tot de ontwikkeling van een moderne culturele en politieke identiteit? Hoe werden uiteenlopende ideeën omtrend IJslands nationale karakter uitgedrukt en overgedragen door middel van mythologische beelden? Bijzondere aandacht wordt geschonken aan de rol van mythen in nationale vertogen, vooral in relatie tot dat andere populaire middeleeuwse genre: de Saga´s van de IJslanders. In deze studie worden deze veelzijdige ontwikkelingen (die zich voltrokken in de veelbewogen eeuw voor IJslands onafhankelijkheid van 1918) geanalyseerd en in kaart gebracht in een breed scala aan verbonden disciplines. De nationale cultivering van de Edda´s reikte veel verder dan het gebied van de literaire esthetica, en was verstrengeld met verschijdene politieke ideologieën. De interactie tussen cultuur, wetenschap en politiek vormt de kern van deze interdisciplinaire studie. ; This study focuses on the ideological cultivation of Old Norse mythology in the context of Iceland's growing national self-awareness in the period between ca. 1820 and 1918. Iceland's medieval Eddas have, in post-medieval times, been appropriated and instrumentalised by Danes, Norwegians, Germans and English, and were labelled 'Nordic', 'Scandinavian' or 'Germanic' rather than Icelandic. Debates on Old Norse-Icelandic culture have shaped not only Icelandic, but also Nordic and other European discourses on cultural identity. In the course of the nineteenth century, Icelandic intellectuals became inspired by Romantic nationalism and began to reclaim 'their' cultural heritage by placing the myths in new interpretational frameworks that were decidedly Icelandic. The long-term process of nationalising the Eddas took many forms and shapes, and manifested itself in the fields of poetry and the visual arts, invented traditions and metaphysics, in journals and newspapers, in public spaces and in academic debates on history, Old Norse philology, and folklore. How did the Icelandic treatment of Old Norse myth relate to the development of the island's cultural and political identity? How were ideas about national character negotiated through the cultivation of mythological images? Special attention is paid to the role of myth in national discourses, especially in relation to that other popular genre of medieval Icelandic literature: the Sagas of Icelanders. Now, for the first time, this multifaceted process – unfolding in the eventful century leading up to the island's independence of 1918 – is analysed and traced through a wide range of interlocking disciplines. The national cultivation of ancient myth reached well beyond the confinements of literary aesthetics, and into the arena of political ideology. It is this interplay of culture, scholarship and politics that lies at the very heart of this interdisciplinary study.

There have been many studies of the biology of red snapper; however, there are few studies addressing the social dynamics of the Gulf of Mexico (GOM) red snapper fishery1 and its effect on stock management. The GOM red snapper fishery was in decline from the 1950s through the 1980s from years of rampant overfishing. A rebuilding plan was established in 1984 under the Magnuson-Stevens Act guidelines, placing stringent regulations on red snapper fishing. To successfully rebuild the fishery by 2032, federal seasons and quotas have been shortened to allow the stock to grow. Recreational fishermen have become increasingly unhappy with the shortening of days on the water and have partnered with recreational interest groups to call upon the state legislature for an overturn of management to the states and a return to magnanimous access. In July 2015, on behalf of the directors of the five Gulf States' natural resource agencies' marine fish divisions, Congressman Garrett Graves (R-La) proposed H.R. 3094 The Gulf States Red Snapper Management Authority Act to transfer federal management of red snapper to each state through a quasi-governmental management authority comprised of the directors of each Gulf State's fish and wildlife commissions (U.S. House of Representatives, n.d.; Appendix A). The H.R. 3094 proposal declares there will be one management authority, the Gulf States Red Snapper Management Authority, who will create an overarching management plan for red snapper in the Gulf region, from which the five Gulf States can then choose state-specific regulations and seasons. Although federal management has greatly improved the conditions for the species over the past few decades under the Magnuson-Stevens Fishery Conservation and Management Act, increasing the fishery's total annual catch limit from roughly over 6- million pounds in 2007 to slightly over 12-million pounds in 20142, the Gulf States might ignore conservation tenets, that have successfully rebuilt the fishery because the States' preferred natural resource management ideology, the North American Model of Wildlife Conservation, promotes lenient management, unlimited public access, and an elimination of markets (commercial fishing). This study uses stock assessments to establish the relative effectiveness of federal management for red snapper to date, examines documents that reveal the Gulf States' plans for managing red snapper, and reports key points from interviews with several stakeholders and interest groups to reveal the agendas of those who want to shift management of the red snapper fishery from the federal level to state control. When asked about data collection and stock assessments, participants called for better recreational data, fishery independent data, and more timely data. Noncompliance with federal fishing season suggestions and recreational quota overages have led to tension and mistrust amongst stakeholders, further widening the rift between state and federal management. Results show that 12/15 participants from stakeholder groups including environmental advocacy organizations, dual-permitted fishermen, a seafood dealer, and federal scientists, do not support a state takeover and believe it is a hunt for access by recreational fishermen. These participants also fear H.R. 3094 would reverse the progress that has been made towards rebuilding the red snapper stock under the Magnuson- Stevens Act. Three participants, representing state and recreational interests, insist that the stock is nearly rebuilt and that more flexible management is now possible. Although stock assessments show that total biomass is increasing, the spawning potential ratio is only half way to the rebuilding target and age variation within the population still needs improvement, therefore fidelity to the recovery plan is necessary in order to reach the red snapper rebuilding target by 2032.

Just as we never get a second chance to make a good first impression, we may equally be deprived of a unique chance to act both as witnesses and evaluators of the centennial after regaining the independence of the Republic of Lithuania if we fail to review and assess this period. Therefore, we have to seize the opportunity and reflect upon the twisting path of our history since regaining the independence of the state until the current situation. The centennial development of law cannot be disembodied from the story of state's development. One can treat law both as a pathfinder and as a legal guide of the state; however it can likewise be applied as an instrument to solely ensure proper functioning of the state. Creating an effective system of law is not a one-day project; it is the process requiring deliberation, constant effort and deep awareness, otherwise the system will be doomed to failure or malfunctioning. Every state or nation is believed to deserve such a legal system as the efforts that the state puts to ascertain and develop it. The centennial period since the restoration of the independence of the Republic of Lithuania can unmistakably be described as a unique one: on the one hand the state was faced with the challenges of restoration and creation in various areas of the state and the society; it later experienced the loss of independence and survived 50 years of occupation; it eventually restored an independent state and was repeatedly faced with fresh challenges of re-establishing a historically-literate, well-structured and well-functioning state-governance system in both national and international levels. On the other hand, the technological and communications progress intensified the recent hundred years to such an extent that it clearly outdistances any previous centennials. Advancement of information technologies intensifies our time, our law, while huge amounts of information and its immense spread accelerate the pace of our life and our history. New forms of social relations and new branches of law emerge all in need of proper legal regulation. The study "The Development of the Lithuanian Law within the Period of 1918-2018: the Centennial Experience and Prospects" is a result of joint research efforts of more than 50 outstanding lawyers representing different areas of law from Mykolas Romeris University, Vytautas Magnus University, and Vilnius University. The study, dedicated to the Centennial of Lithuanian statehood due in 2018, presents the results of scientific research on legal science and major branches of law, covering the period of 1918-beginning of 2018 (information presented in the study covers a period until end-2017); it reflects upon the centennial development of Lithuanian law, discusses its major characteristics, tendencies and preconditions of their formation; it examines its influence on the state and state authorities and envisages possible impact on the development of law in the future. The Lithuanian law of 1918-2018 is analysed from the perspective of three statehood periods. 1918-1940 is the period when the independence of the Republic of Lithuania was declared, the groundwork for the statehood was laid and an independent legal system was being established. 1940- 1990 denotes the period of occupation, when the authentic legal system of Lithuania was destroyed and the Soviet legal system was forcibly entrenched. The latter was based on socialist ideology and the superiority of governmental authority over the civil society. It is not easy to evaluate the span of 1990- 2018 as the impartial assessment of it is seriously hindered by the authors' partial attitude towards the existing surrounding phenomena. [.]

The article analyzes the theoretical background is fundamentally different from the mercantilist doctrine free trade ideology. The author pays special attention to new forms of economic disparity outdated rules and traditions. Emphasis is placed behind the classics of English economics to need unquestionable benefit, security sector reform, and it is unnecessary patronizing-prohibitive system. The role of London and Оdenburg petitions entrepreneurs and tradesmen, as well as the first bill aimed at changing the old regulations that regulate foreign economic ties of the country. The importance of the mass movement against the «Corn Laws» as a precursor of free trade in general. The author reveales not only changes in customs tariffs, but also the positive results of the development of individual sectors of British industry, especially wool, cotton, silk, ferrous and non-ferrous metallurgy.Reduction and / or elimination of import duties proceeded against the background of the opening of the overseas territories to foreign vessels loaded with various goods; in addition - earned Porto - Franco.The focus of the parliament and government is the tax system. It simplifies and rates of taxes and fees were down.All the authorities have stepped up measures on the one hand the growth in production volumes, and on the other - foreign economic activity. Free trade and free competition ensured England's world leadership in the 40-80s of XIX century ; В статье проанализированы теоретические предпосылки принципиально отличной от меркантилистской доктрины идеологии свободной торговли. Обращено внимание на несоответствие новых форм хозяйствования устаревшим нормам и традициям. Акцент сделан вслед за классиками английской экономической науки на необходимости бесспорной выгоды, безопасности реформ и полной бесполезности покровительственно-запретительной системы. Подчеркнута роль лондонской и оденбургской петиций предпринимателей и торговых людей, а также первых биллей, направленных на изменение прежних нормативных актов, которые регламентировали внешнеэкономические связи страны. Показано значение массового движения против «хлебных законов» как предвестника свободной торговли вообще. Раскрыты не только изменения таможенных тарифов, но и положительные результаты развития отдельных отраслей британской промышленности, в частности шерстяной, хлопчато-бумажной, шелковой, черной и цветной металлургии.Снижение и/или отмена импортных пошлин протекала на фоне открытия заморских территорий для захода иностранных судов, груженых различными товарами; в дополнение – заработали порто-франко.В центре внимания парламента и правительства находилась система налогообложения. Она упрощалась, а ставки налогов и сборов снижались.Все меры власти активизировали, с одной стороны, рост объемов производства, а с другой – внешнеэкономическую деятельность. Свободная торговля и свободная конкуренция обеспечили Англии мировое лидерство в 40-80-е годы XIX в. ; У статті проаналізовано теоретичні передумови принципово відмінної від меркантилістської доктрини ідеології вільної торгівлі. Звернуто увагу на невідповідність нових форм господарювання застарілим нормам і традиціям. Акцент зроблений слідом за класиками англійської економічної науки на необхідності безперечної вигоди, безпекових реформ і повної марності зверхньо-заборонної системи. Підкреслено роль лондонської і оденбурзької петицій підприємців і торгових людей, а також перших білей, спрямованих на зміну попередніх нормативних актів, які регламентували зовнішньоекономічні зв'язки країни. Показано значення масового руху проти «хлібних законів» як передвісника вільної торгівлі взагалі. Розкрито не тільки зміни митних тарифів, але і позитивні результати розвитку окремих галузей британської промисловості, зокрема вовняної, бавовняної, шовкової, чорної і кольорової металургії.Зниження і / або скасування імпортних мит протікало на тлі відкриття заморських територій для заходу іноземних суден, навантажених різними товарами; на додаток – заробили порто-франко.У центрі уваги парламенту і уряду перебувала система оподаткування. Вона спрощувалася, а ставки податків і зборів знижувалися.Всі заходи влада активізувала, з одного боку, зростання обсягів виробництва, а з іншого – зовнішньоекономічну діяльність. Вільна торгівля і вільна конкуренція забезпечили Англії світове лідерство в 40-80-ті роки XIX ст.