Suchergebnisse

Abstract
Russia's invasion of Ukraine brought both condemnation and vindication to the European Union. EU policies were condemned for being complacent, naive and greedy. However, when European leaders conducted a coordinated response backing Ukraine, the war also vindicated the EU as a liberal project. The crisis has led to a surge in support for the EU, unprecedented cooperation across policy areas and new accession negotiations with the EU's eastern neighbours. To understand this shift, the article argues that crisis has catalysed the EU becoming a sceptical liberal actor. Sceptical liberalism is characterized by a bleak view on the trajectory of the international order, a self-critical understanding of Europe's role in it, and a willingness to intervene, including with military means, to tackle political predicaments. The transition changes EU leaders' previous optimistic liberal approach of pursuing peace and prosperity though mediation and interdependence. Distinguishing between ideals and actions, the article argues that liberal ideals remain intact, but a sceptical outlook implies different actions to pursue those ideals. The article's argument challenges longstanding scholarly debates on 'normal versus normative power Europe', which build on an excessively bifurcated assessment of EU foreign policy that fails to capture contemporary dynamics and the dilemmas they cause.

While there are many works on British liberalism, this is the first to deal substantially with the transatlantic and international content of liberalism. Gerlach considers the transatlantic thought of prominent contemporary figures such as William Gladstone, John Morley, William Harcourt and Andrew Carnegie. A fascinating account that paves the way for the political and social rapprochement of the twentieth century.

"Theodore Roosevelt's Bull Moose campaign. They self-mockingly called the 19th Street row house in which they congregated the 'House of Truth, ' playing off the lively dinner discussions with frequent guest (and neighbor) Oliver Wendell Holmes, Jr. about life's verities. Lippmann and Frankfurter were house-mates, and their frequent guests included not merely Holmes but Louis Brandeis, Herbert Hoover, Louis Croly--founder of the New Republic--and the sculptor (and sometime Klansman) Gutzon Borglum, later the creator of the Mount Rushmore monument. Weaving together the stories and trajectories of these varied, fascinating, combative, and sometimes contradictory figures, Brad Snyder shows how their thinking about government and policy shifted from a firm belief in progressivism--the belief that the government should protect its workers and regulate monopolies--into what we call liberalism--the belief that government can improve citizens' lives without abridging their civil liberties and, eventually, civil rights. Holmes replaced Roosevelt in their affections and aspirations. His famous dissents from 1919 onward showed how the Due Process clause could protect not just business but equality under the law, revealing how a generally conservative and reactionary Supreme Court might embrace, even initiate, political and social reform. Across the years, from 1912 until the start of the New Deal in 1933, the remarkable group of individuals associated with the House of Truth debated the future of America"--Provided by publisher.

In recent years the concept of the border has been reconceptualised: borders are no longer viewed primarily as static lines at the outer edge of the state, but increasingly as mobile, bio-political and virtual apparatuses of control. While such a reconceptualisation resonates with western border security practices, however, it is vulnerable to the critique that such a totalising vision of sovereign space does not take into account the varied responses, resistances and contestations among populations targeted by those bordering practices. This article responds to such a critique by developing an interlocking account of the gendered and racialised logics that condition the possibility for contemporary border security practices. We illustrate our approach via an analysis of two visions of contemporary British society and border politics: one offered by Prime Minister David Cameron in his 'Muscular liberalism' speech delivered in February 2011; the other contained in Chris Morris' jihadist comedy 'Four Lions'.

This article offers a novel and comprehensive account of Walter Bagehot's political thought. It ties together an interpretation of Bagehot's liberal commitment to norms of discussion and deliberation, with an analysis of Bagehot's extensive arguments about the institutions of representative government. We show how Bagehot's opposition to American-style presidentialism, to parliamentary democracy, and to proportional representation were profoundly shaped by his conceptions of government by discussion, and the rule of public opinion. Bagehot's criticisms of English parliamentarianism, both of its pre-1832 and post-1832 varieties were also motivated by those principles, as was his own proposal for parliamentary reform. By examining the whole range of Bagehot's writings on representative government (not merely his preference for parliamentarianism over presidentialism) and by connecting his institutional recommendations to his liberal principles, we are also able to better clarify Bagehot's position in Victorian political thought. The article concludes with a discussion of the debate leading up to the Second Reform Act, in which we elucidate Bagehot's disagreements with other prominent exponents of liberalism including John Stuart Mill, the 'university liberals,' and Robert Lowe. [Copyright Elsevier Ltd.]

Sentimental Journey argues that adoption from China is a critical cultural site in which the confluence of U.S. national ideologies of multiculturalism and the dominance of family in politics and the U.S. global role is made visible through sentimental narratives about home and kinship as they intersect with the U.S. role in the world at the turn of the 21st century. I address a set of interrelated ideologies through which the adoption of these children is popularly understood: U.S. benevolence in constructing the child as a welcome immigrant subject (and China a friend), human rights, multiculturalism, and consumerism. At the core of my treatment of the U.S. imagination of China is the mediation of the U.S. - China geopolitical relationship through the trope of female citizenship. The four chapters of the dissertation, which address novels, memoirs, photography, television, and news media, suggest that these cultural representations provide a window on the changing dimensions of race relations, family formation, and gendered citizenship in the U.S. I examine how these contemporary cultural works represent the Asian adoptee as a highly visible subject upon whom the contradictions of U.S. liberalism, multiculturalism and neo-imperialism play out. Sentimental Journey argues that the construction of the Chinese adoptee as the contemporary liberal subject par excellence comes about through the privileging of female citizenship in contemporary sentimental politics and proposes that female citizenship is at the core of understanding adoption as a mediation of contemporary U.S.- China geopolitics with origins in the Cold War. While the representational figure of the adoptee herself represents the promise of the assimilated Asian female immigrant figure, I examine how adoption is a locus around which female citizenship is held up as ideal citizenship. I also address how white womanhood gains a moral valence through motherhood in the construction of the adoptive family

Liberalism, for the most part, has been opposed to unions because they are perceived to be opposed to individualism and detrimental to the free market. This paper will attempt to show how union rights, and more particularly the right to strike, can be accommodated in the liberal philosophy. As a preliminary matter, some principal tenets of liberal theory are examined: ethical individualism; the concept of liberty as negative liberty; the focus on individuals rather than groups as the locus of rights; and a desire to restrain the actions of government. The paper then proceeds to use liberal philosophy to critique decisions of the Supreme Court of Canada denying Charter protection to the right to strike. The right to strike, it is concluded, is more aptly phrased a freedom to strike. As such, government interventions to prevent strikes should be viewed and criticized by liberals as an illicit government intervention in the free market. *** Le libéralisme s'oppose aux syndicats parce qu'on les regarde comme s'opposant à l'individualisme et comme nuisant au marché libre. Cet article va essayer de démontrer comment les droits des syndicats, et particulièrement le droit de grève, peuvent s'intégrer dans la philosophie libérale. Pour commencer, l'auteur examine les idées principaux de la théorie libérale: l'individualisme éthique; l'idée de la liberté comme étant la liberté négative; l'idée que les droits appartiennent aux individus et pas aux groupes; et un désir de restreindre les actions des gouvernements. L'article continue en utilisant la théorie libérale pour critiquer les arrêts de la Cour suprême du Canada qui enlève au droit de grève la protection de la Charte. Le droit de grève peut selon l'auteur mieux se caractériser comme étant une liberté de grève. Par conséquent, d'un point de vue libéral, on devrait critiquer les décisions des gouvernements d'interdire les grèves comme constituant une intervention illicite dans le marché libre.

Liberalism, for the most part, has been opposed to unions because they are perceived to be opposed to individualism and detrimental to the free market. This paper will attempt to show how union rights, and more particularly the right to strike, can be accommodated in the liberal philosophy. As a preliminary matter, some principal tenets of liberal theory are examined: ethical individualism; the concept of liberty as negative liberty; the focus on individuals rather than groups as the locus of rights; and a desire to restrain the actions of government. The paper then proceeds to use liberal philosophy to critique decisions of the Supreme Court of Canada denying Charter protection to the right to strike. The right to strike, it is concluded, is more aptly phrased a freedom to strike. As such, government interventions to prevent strikes should be viewed and criticized by liberals as an illicit government intervention in the free market. *** Le libéralisme s'oppose aux syndicats parce qu'on les regarde comme s'opposant à l'individualisme et comme nuisant au marché libre. Cet article va essayer de démontrer comment les droits des syndicats, et particulièrement le droit de grève, peuvent s'intégrer dans la philosophie libérale. Pour commencer, l'auteur examine les idées principaux de la théorie libérale: l'individualisme éthique; l'idée de la liberté comme étant la liberté négative; l'idée que les droits appartiennent aux individus et pas aux groupes; et un désir de restreindre les actions des gouvernements. L'article continue en utilisant la théorie libérale pour critiquer les arrêts de la Cour suprême du Canada qui enlève au droit de grève la protection de la Charte. Le droit de grève peut selon l'auteur mieux se caractériser comme étant une liberté de grève. Par conséquent, d'un point de vue libéral, on devrait critiquer les décisions des gouvernements d'interdire les grèves comme constituant une intervention illicite dans le marché libre.

This paper examines the liberal grounded provincial societies of Argentina from 1890 to 1940. A close examination of provincial government expenditures reveals that these states spent most of their revenues on law and order and education with little being directed to social welfare and to health. This form of government was extremely limited, therefore, in providing for the welfare of most of its citizens, and left many of them excluded from full participation in the political, economic and social life of the nation. The type of liberalism espoused by the Argentine elites effectively undermined the very project of state building that they espoused and resulted in the Peronist revolution of the 1940s when the state, under the slogan of social justice, became much more interventionist in the areas of welfare, health and housing, and much more inclusionist with regard to the Argentine people as a whole. The liberal state, and this includes the provinces, became a victim of its own chosen limitations.

The Transformation of Urban Liberalism re-evaluates the dramatic and turbulent political decade following the 'Third Reform Act', and questions whether the Liberal Party's political heartlands - the urban boroughs - really were in decline. Using parallel case studies, James Moore illustrates how the party gradually began to transform into a social democratic organisation through a re-evaluation of its role and policy direction. This process was heavily influenced by 'grass roots politics', suggesting that late Victorian politics was more democratic and open than sometimes thought.

Abstract
The literature on exceptionalism is preoccupied with its distinctive national sources and resultantly differing styles. Exceptionalism has thus become almost synonymous with culture and identity, rather than international relations (IRs). The paper instead argues that exceptionalism reveals a relational identity that both informs and is informed by a multilateral relation prior to the emergence of exceptionalism. It also argues that all relational systems seek expansion and coexistence. Based upon a comparative study of Confucian and liberal multilateral relationalities, a similar cycle of engagement, conversion, disengagement, and learning is applicable to both. Two exceptionalisms in multilateral relationality differ, however. American exceptionalism embraces a transcendent identity with which to contrast with the rest, who share the same identity and are expected to follow the same rules. Chinese exceptionalism contrarily envisions a superior, benevolent identity to ensure harmony and peace among all, who share no collective identity. The paper traces how Confucianism diverges from liberalism with regard to what accounts for multilateralism—inclusiveness versus rule-based governance, and benevolent exceptions versus universal rights—and the resulting orientations during encounters with strangers. The last section before the conclusion corresponds to the growing attention in IRs theorising to the factor of emotion. Such rational–emotional connectivity—between exceptionalism and emotion—can further attest to the promise of the relational agenda in explaining pluriversal IRs.

Reviving the Invisible Hand is an uncompromising call for a global return to a classical liberal economic order, free of interference from governments and international organizations. Arguing for a revival of the invisible hand of free international trade and global capital, eminent economist Deepak Lal vigorously defends the view that statist attempts to ameliorate the impact of markets threaten global economic progress and stability. And in an unusual move, he not only defends globalization economically, but also answers the cultural and moral objections of antiglobalizers. Taking a bro.

Alessandro Ferrara is Professor of Political Philosophy at the University of Rome Tor Vergata (Università degli Studi di Roma Tor Vergata), and former President of the Italian Association for Political Philosophy. He is the founder and Director of the Colloquium Philosophy & Society in Rome and the Director of the Center for the Study of Religions and Political Institutions in Post-Secular Society at the University of Rome Tor Vergata. Since 1991 Alessandro Ferrara has been a Director of the Yearly Conference on Philosophy and Social Science in Prague (formerly held at the Interuniversity Centre of Dubrovnik), and since 2007 he is on the Executive Committee of the Istanbul Seminars on Religion and Politics, held under the auspices of the Association Reset - Dialogues of Civilizations. He has lectured in a number of universities and institutions, including Harvard University, Columbia University, Yale University, New School for Social Research, University College London (UCL), Oxford University, the Chinese Academy of Social Science and many others. Alessandro Ferrara's work revolves around the formulation of an authenticity- and judgment-based account of normative validity, which by way of incorporating a post-metaphysically reconstructed version of the normativity of Kant's 'reflective judgment', could be immune to antifoundationalist objections and yet represent a viable alternative to the formalism of standard proceduralist accounts of normative validity. He is the author of Modernity and Authenticity. A Study of the Social and Ethical Thought of Jean-Jacques Rousseau, 1993 (transl. into Italian); Reflective Authenticity. Rethinking the Project of Modernity, 1998 (transl. into Italian and Spanish); Justice and Judgment. The Rise and the Prospect of the Judgment Model in Contemporary Political Philosophy, 1999 (transl. into Italian); The Force of the Example. Explorations in the Paradigm of Judgment, 2008 (transl. into Italian and Spanish) and The Democratic Horizon. Hyperpluralism and the Renewal of Political Liberalism, 2014 (transl. into Spanish). The Democratic Horizon, Ferrara's latest work, presents his particular elaboration of the 'political liberalism' articulated in the later works of John Rawls, which Ferrara proposes as an 'adaptive countermeasure' to what he sees as the ever more inhospitable global conditions for contemporary democracy. This interview addresses some implications of Ferrara's insightful and multifaceted theoretical perspective. .