Suchergebnisse

This article studies the ideological identity of the authors of the Rasā'il Ikhwān al-Ṣafā' and addresses the question of the authorship of the other works attributed to the Brethren of Purity (al-Risāla al-jāmi'a and Jāmi'at aljāmi'a). Based on these theosophical works, it provides new evidence for the authors' political stance against the Abbasid state and confirms their Shii inclination and opposition to the Abbasid caliphs of their time. These findings highlight the Ikhwān's involvement in political activities through preaching the end of the "state of evil" (dawlat ahl al-sharr) and the beginning of the "state of good" (dawlat ahl al-khayr). It also contributes to the debate on the Ikhwān's relation to other political opposition movements against the Abbasid reign and their links to the Shii states (Qarmatians, Buyids and Fatimids). ; En este artículo se investiga la identidad ideológica de los autores de las Rasā'il Ijwān al-ṣafā' y cuestiona la posible autoría de las otras obras atribuidas a los Hermanos de la pureza (al-Risāla al-ŷāmi'a, y la Ŷāmi'at al-ŷāmi'a). En base al texto de estas obras de carácter teosófico, se aportan nuevos datos que esclarecen la postura política de los autores en contra del estado abasí, y se precisa su tendencia chií en contra de los califas abasíes de su época. Estos nuevos datos señalan la implicación de los Ijwān al-ṣafā' en la acción política a través de la predicación del fin del "estado del mal" (dawlat ahl al-šarr) y el comienzo del "estado del bien" (dawlat ahl al-jayr). Se analiza el debate surgido acerca la relación de los Ijwān al-ṣafā' con diferentes corrientes políticas opositoras al régimen abasí, y su vínculo con estados chiíes (cármatas, buyíes y fatimíes).

This collection addresses the question of how cities govern and regulate religious diversity. Its main goals are: 1) to take stock of current research regarding the municipal governance of religious diversity; 2) to put forward new concepts and empirical analyses to enhance this field of study; and 3) to identify potential lines for future enquiry that help move the field forward. The contributions cover a wide variety of topics, such as the roles of laws, state contracts, and urbanism in governing religious diversity, comparisons of diverging governance trajectories in various cities within one country, and the controversies surrounding the celebration of religious events in urban spaces. The contributions also identify factors that influence governance processes at the urban level and their consequences for the practice of religion. The collection covers studies of cities in various European countries as well as in Canada.

Przedmiotem artykułu jest obecny przyrost znaczenia dyskursów antykomunistycznych na przykładzie polskiego antykomunizmu. Cel artykułu jest dwojaki. Po pierwsze, by zweryfikować użyteczności teorii hegemonii dla krytyki antykomunizmu. Twierdzę, że teoria ta pozostaje przydatna jako narzędzie analityczne pozwalające rozpoznać praktyczne zastosowania antykomunizmu w rywalizacji politycznej, ale okazuje się niezdolna do konceptualizacji bardziej systemowych i nieoczywistych przejawów logiki antykomunistycznej w maszynerii współczesnego kapitalizmu. Dlatego proponuję alternatywną propozycję interpretacji zjawiska antykomunizmu – opartą głównie na postoperaistycznym marksizmie dobra wspólnego oraz na lekcjach teoretycznych, jakie wypływają z najnowszych badań nad ludowymi, oddolnymi praktykami społecznymi w Polsce. Po drugie, przedstawia hipotezę, wedle której właściwe zrozumienie partykularnego przykładu polskiego antykomunizmu może okazać się pomocne w rozpoznaniu funkcjonowania uniwersalnego antykomunizmu, rozumianego jako reakcja na walki mające na celu instytucję tego, co wspólne. ; The subject of the article is the recent rise in significance of anti-communist discourses on the example of Polish anti-communism. The aim of the article is twofold. Firstly, to test the limits of usefulness of the theory of hegemony in the critique of anti-communism. I claim that it remains operative as an analytic tool to track practical uses of anti-communism in political rivalry, but it is unable to conceptualize more systemic and non-apparent operations of anti-communist logics in the machinery of contemporary capitalism. I propose an alternative interpretation of anti-communism, drawing mostly on post-operaist Marxism of the common and acknowledging its theoretical assumptions with recent research on the Polish popular classes and their bottom-up social practices. Secondly, I present a hypothesis, according to which proper understanding of the particular example of Polish anti-communism could be helpful to understand the functioning of universal anti-communism as a reaction to the struggles to institute the common.

Voting district boundaries are often manipulated, or gerrymandered, by politicians in order to give one group of voters an unfair advantage over another during elections. To make sure a system of voting districts is not gerrymandered, the population size, the shape, and the voting efficiency of each party in each district should be taken into consideration. Following recent work of Boris Alexeev and Dustin G. Mixon, we discuss mathematical criteria for each of these three aspects, and we prove how problems arise when attempting to apply all three at once to a districting system--first to a simplified districting system and then to a more realistic districting system.

Анотація. Мета дослідження – на підставі аналізу праць публіцистів українського повстанського підпілля розкрити особливості бачення ними тогочасної міжнародної ситуації та векторів зовнішньої політики національно-визвольного руху в умовах завершення Другої світової війни та післявоєнного облаштування світу. Методологія дослідження спирається на поєднання принципів історизму й об'єктивності та загальнонаукових і спеціально-історичних методів наукової праці. Наукова новизна полягає у тому, що вперше в історіографії українського визвольного руху першої половини ХХ ст. проаналізовано праці публіцистів українського повстанського підпілля, присвячені проблемам міжнародної ситуації повоєнного часу. Визначено, що надважливим завданням для керівництва українського визвольного руху було формулювання та чітка артикуляція його завдань і мети, без чого неможливою була б мотивація учасників повстанської боротьби. Його реалізацією займалися низка провідних ідеологів націоналістичного руху. Їхній теоретичний спадок складають сотні рукописних та опублікованих публіцистичних творів, переважна більшість з яких чекає свого дослідника. На підставі проведеного дослідження зроблено висновки, що провідні ідеологи націоналістичного руху були достатньо добре обізнані із конфігурацією міжнародних відносин 1944–1953 рр. В умовах збройного протистояння радянської влади і повстанського підпілля їхнє завдання полягало, по-перше, у підготовці аналітичних висновків щодо існуючого та прогнозованого розвитку міжнародної ситуації в Європі крізь призму її впливу на українських національно-визвольний рух. По-друге, в озвученні та популяризації його зовнішньополітичних прагнень як серед українського загалу, так і поза межами військо-політичного впливу ОУН. Українські публіцисти досить скептично оцінювали заходи провідних країн світу щодо мирного врегулювання спірних питань післявоєнного облаштування Європи. Очевидність неврегулювання вузлових міжнародних конфліктів давала підстави лідерам повстанського руху сподіватися на розв'язання третьої світової війни, яка могла полегшити тривалу боротьбу українців за створення незалежної держави. Об'єктом постійної критики виступав «московсько-більшовицький імперіалізм» у формі сталінського режиму та нейтрально-потуральна позиція США й Англії стосовно розширення сфери радянського впливу на країни Східної та Південно-Східної Європи. Час показав, що висновок провідних публіцистів про відсутність постійних і надійних союзників українського національно-визвольного руху та, з огляду на це, орієнтація на власні сили, був і залишається абсолютно справедливим і актуальним по сей день. ; Summary. The purpose of the article is to reveal the peculiarities of the vision of the publicists of Ukrainian liberation movement on contemporary international situation and foreign policy vectors of the national liberation movement in the conditions of the end of World War II and the post-war settlement of the world. The research is based on the analysis of their works. The research methodology is based on a combination of principles of historicism and objectivity with generally scientific and specifically historical methods of scientific work. The scientific novelty is that for the first time in the historiography of the Ukrainian liberation movement of the first half of the XX century the works of publicists of the Ukrainian rebellious underground were analyzed. These works are devoted to problems of the post-war international situation. The author determined that to formulate and accurately articulate the goals and objectives of the liberation movement was an incredibly important task for the leadership of Ukrainian liberation movement. Otherwise, the participants of the rebellious struggle would not be motivated. A number of leading ideologists of the national movement were engaged in its implementation. Their theoretical inheritance includes hundreds of handwritten and published nonfiction works, the vast majority of which await their researcher. Conclusions. Based on the research conducted, it is concluded that the leading ideologists of the national movement were sufficiently aware of the configuration of international relations of 1944–1953. In terms of armed confrontation between the Soviet authorities and the rebellious underground, their task was: first, to prepare analytical conclusions on the current and predicted development of the international situation in Europe through its influence on the Ukrainian national liberation movement; secondly, to voice and popularize its foreign policy aspirations both within the Ukrainian community and outside the military-political influence of the OUN. Ukrainian publicists were rather skeptical of the actions of the leading countries to resolve the controversial issues of post-war Europe peacefully. Obviously, the key international conflicts were not resolved. It gave rise to the leaders of the liberation movement to hope for the outbreak of the World War III which would facilitate the continuous struggle of Ukrainians for the creation of an independent state. «The Moscow-Bolshevik imperialism» in the form of the Stalinist regime and the neutral and indulging position of the United States and England regarding the expansion of Soviet influence to the countries of Eastern and Southeastern Europe was an object of their constant criticism. Time has shown that the conclusion of the leading publicists about the absence of permanent and reliable allies of the Ukrainian national liberation movement and the focus on their own forces (due to these circumstances) was and still remains absolutely fair and relevant until now.

This paper seeks to understand the reasons for the German extreme-right's successes and failures, particularly examining the inter-relations between political parties and underground movements. It also places a particular focus on German reunification, especially the wave of East German anti-immigrant and asylum seeker violence that emerged from 1991 to 1993. Furthermore, it argues that economic factors are not enough to understand this and other subsequent German extreme-right violence, and that structural factors, such as police and intelligence inadequacies, as well as psychological factors are vital. The first section explores why xenophobic and anti-Semitic sentiments remained high in Germany despite extensive denazification, and the reasons for extreme-right party failures to exploit this. The second section examines why this sentiment has often been violently expressed. The third section looks at the relations between violent underground groups and political parties, concluding that these connections have ultimately weakened the German far-right.

This paper analyzed the history of establishment, the features of the current institute of public service in Russia and foreign countries

La investigación busca aportar a la formación de sujetos políticos desde la condición de estudiantes y participantes activos en la producción de medios de comunicación escolar. Se trata de un estudio cualitativo que indaga sobre alternativas de educación ciudadana, con jóvenes de educación secundaria que asumen el rol de productores de medios escolares. Toda la propuesta se fundamentó epistemológicamente en los conceptos: comunicación/educación, medios escolares y sujeto político. Desde esta perspectiva, el proyecto se materializó en tres ciudades de Colombia (Medellín, Montería y Bucaramanga) y seis instituciones educativas de carácter oficial y privado, con una ruta metodológica orientada por un estudio etnográfico que facilitó observar cómo se producen los medios escolares a partir de la triangulación de información recolectada en entrevistas y grupos focales, y sistematizada en el programa NVivo. Esta metodología permitió comprender, desde los estudiantes como sujetos de estudio, los procesos de formación política con el manejo de la información y los contenidos de los medios escolares de las instituciones públicas y privadas. No obstante, se evidenció una concepción común de lo político que supera la idea de representatividad para ser dimensionada como el trabajar por el bienestar de todos y la construcción de sociedad.//This research intends to contribute to the formation of political subject as students and active participants in the production of school communication media. It refers to a qualitative study which inquiries about the alternatives for the citizen education, with high school students who assume the roles of producers of scholar media. The entirety of the proposal is epistemologically based on the concepts: communication/ education, school media and political subject. In this perspective, the project materialized in three cities of Colombia (Medellín, Monteria and Bucaramanga) and six public and private educative institutions, with a methodological route guided by an ethnographic study that facilitated observing how school media are produced drawn from the triangulation of collected information from focus groups and interviews, and then digitalized in the NVivo software. This methodology allowed furthermore, comprehending from the students, as subjects of study, the processes of political formation with the management of information and the content of the school media in public and private institutions. Nonetheless, a common conception of the political was evidenced, and it overcomes the idea of representativeness to become dimensioned as the construction of society and the work in aims of everyone´s wellbeing.

The article deals with the coverage of events related to the wave of anti-Jewish pogroms that took place in Germany on November 9-10, 1938 in the leading American newspaper "The New York Times". Pogroms were motivated by the murder of Ernst von Rath, the employee of the German embassy in Paris, performed on the 7th of November of the same year by the Polish Jew Herschel Grünschpan, and the consequences followed for German Jews. A particular attention is paid to the reaction to these events by American politicians, such as the former US President Herbert Hoover, and the representatives of various social circles, primarily Jewish ones, and more broadly, the influence of the materials published in "The New York Times" on the situation of Jews in Germany on the development of public opinion in the United States of America concerning this issue. The author comes to the conclusion that before the Second World War, the National Socialists did not have the opportunity to ignore the world public opinion completely, and in this regard they did not dare to turn to the "final solution of the Jewish issue", which turned out in the Holocaust.

This research examines women's organisations of the 20th and 21st centuries in the countries of Central Asia: Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, and Turkmenistan. It examines the formation process and the current state of women's non-governmental organisations in Central Asia and identifies new trends and areas in the development of women's socio-political movements in the region. The research is based on theoretical and analytical works reviewing the problem of formation and development of the women's movement in Central Asian countries. The systematic approach was used, alongside the historical and comparative methods. The findings reveal the following— limited mechanisms for equalising gender imbalances in society and increasing women's political representation in the quota system; insufficiency of financial and material resources of women's non-governmental organisations, based mainly on the assistance of international organisations and foundations; lack of active political initiatives of the women's electorate; the inadequacy of the national women's idea in the countries under study, which can consolidate both women's organisations and the female population.

"The Revolutionary War has been won, and the newly independent nation is fraught with anxieties--threatened by enemies at home and abroad. In Manufacturing Advantage, Lindsay Schakenbach Regele shows how the government (especially the Departments of State and War) promoted industrial development--of textiles and weapons--to defend the new country from hostile armies and hostile imports. As it moves from the Revolutionary War through the Mexican-American War, Manufacturing Advantage examines the interconnected nature of arms and textile industries and how each developed to become a powerhouse of American industry. Regele calls the development of these industries "national security capitalism"--a mixed-enterprise system in which government agents and private producers brokered solutions to the problems of international economic disparities and war. In Regele's telling, War and State Department officials emerge as key players in the emergence of domestic industry, facilitating rifle makers and power-loom weavers in the quest to develop national industrial resources. It was this defensive strategy, she argues, that eventually evolved to promote westward expansion as well as America's growing commercial and territorial empire."

Competitiveness is not only an economic matter; it is also a foreign policy issue. It requires the coordinated action of the state, business community and civil society. Global economic institutions now confront a new challenge to design strategies and roadmaps for reform that will build on the achievements of the past, and cope with an increasingly new set of ripples that poses risks to the orthodox practice of development and ignite a search for a new kind of diplomacy. A global dialogue on competitiveness and economic development is in the making, and small economies have a vested interest to be part of that dialogue. While small states have fewer resources to devote to the tasks of diplomacy and effective interaction with other states, this shortcoming can be reduced by alliances and networks, given the large number of small states with common interests. Small states in Europe are strategically placed to recalibrate that continent's approach to regional and international diplomacy in its quest to promote competitiveness, and sustain growth and equity in its development goals. As such, it can bring important lessons to the attention of other small states in the world and add considerably to the expectations of this exercise in global analytical leadership. ; peer-reviewed

The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) plays a central role in India's Act East Policy (AEP). After Prime Minister Narasimha Rao, who envisioned India's Look East Policy in the early 1990s, subsequent Indian prime ministers have been following the trend of placing ASEAN in the centre of India's engagements in the Asia-Pacific. As India has shown more enthusiasm to be a strong stakeholder in the Asia-Pacific (and, in the Indo-Pacific) in recent years, developments like Quadrilateral consultation forum (Quad) needs to be examined in order to understand the implications of such actions, especially from the perspectives of ASEAN member-states. This will help in understanding the future trajectory of India's AEP and its approach towards the Indo-Pacific. So far, several ASEAN heads of state have expressed their scepticism about the formation and objectives of the Quad forum. This scepticism has actually motivated India and its Quad partners to invite other countries to join the forum and convert it into a consultation grouping. Against this backdrop, this paper analyses various aspects related to ASEAN's responses towards India's take on the Indo-Pacific.

In this paper, I explore the educational and political dimensions of pleasure in Plato's philosophy. The main texts analysed are the Republic and the Laws. Plato shows clearly the significant role that pleasure plays both in individual human lives (from birth to death) and in society. Importantly, this makes it possible to judge the moral condition of both the individual and the state, and to philosophically justify this judgement.