Suchergebnisse

Last year the government negotiated the provisions of a draft Withdrawal Agreement with the EU. It readied the U.K. to pay an estimated bill of €10Billion[1] for EU officials' future pensions, one way or another.

Last year the government negotiated a Withdrawal Agreement with the EU. It readied the UK to pay an estimated bill of €10Billion for EU officials' future pensions, one way or another.

Partido de retaguardia, reunión de emboscados, así fue como al poco tiempo comenzó a ser vista la Falange por sus propios socios. Emboscados, en principio, lo fueron aquellos individuos, malos españoles en el imaginario colectivo de la derecha reaccionaria, que pudieron luchar contra la República y no lo hicieron. En la práctica, sin embargo, dicho calificativo respondió a un sentimiento muy concreto que se extendió por buena parte de la España Nacional y que vino a identificar a aquellos malos patriotas con los falangistas de la retaguardia. Así, mientras aquellos oportunistas conspiraban a salvo de las balas para imponer su modelo de estado totalitario y excluyente, en los frentes de batalla y a decir de los reaccionarios luchaban muchos españoles con nobleza y elevación de espíritu. Las continuas concentraciones, los desfiles, las misas al aire libre, los rituales nocturnos de antorchas protagonizadas por la Falange, aquella acusación, sin duda legítima a tenor de todo esto, se apoyó, no obstante, en una percepción torcida de la realidad. Con este artículo, por tanto, y acudiendo a fuentes documentales hasta ahora inéditas, pretendemos dejar en sus justos término la aportación de una Falange que en muy poco tiempo se convirtió en un pilar fundamental para el derrocamiento de la República. ; Ambushed, in principle, they were it who they could fight against the Republic and they didn't make it. In the practice, however, that epithet was used by the reactionary right to attack the falangists of the rearguard. According to the reactionaries, while those opportunists conspired safe of the bullets to impose their model of totalitarian state, in the battle fronts many Spaniards fought with nobility and spirit elevation. The continuous concentrations, the parades, the religious rituals outdoors, the night rituals of brands played by the Falange, that accusation leaned on, nevertheless, in a bent perception of the reality. With this article, therefore, and using unpublished documental sources, we want to analyze the contribution of a Falange that became a fundamental pillar for the overthrow of the Second Spanish Republic in very little time.

Fragmented after the Yougoslav dissolution, the Serbs of Serbia and Republika Srpska are still claimed by their intellectual and political elites as members of a single national body that transcends the borders. This article will aim at tackling the framework, modalities and outcomes of cooperation between the Serbian Republic and the Bosnian Serb entity in order to preserve the representation of this common nation within a «common spiritual space», through the reading of paradiplomacy.

The study critically examines coverage of Afghan conflict and the relationship between the elite press and the governments of the neighboring countries of Afghanistan. We analyzed how media framed Taliban in the context of foreign policies of the neighboring countries of Afghanistan having important stakes in the conflict-ravaged country. The study focused on the stated foreign policy positions of China, India, Iran, and Pakistan on the conflict in Afghanistan and the approach used by the elite press of these countries in responding to the initiatives of the foreign office. We employed content analysis to analyze editorials of the elite English-language newspapers to investigate whether the relationship between press and media is elite-driven, adversarial, or independent. We found that the elite English newspapers followed the official foreign policy of their countries while covering the war in Afghanistan and Taliban at a time when the entire region was in the grip of terror attacks.

The article aims to understand the debates that took place on miscegenation on Santa Cruz. Attempt to relate them with the political context, trying to understand the power that history and racial ideas could have at the time of legitimizing or reviling political positions, own and others, as part of the regionalist struggle with the central state. It focus in two periods, one during the first half of the 20th Century when Santa Cruz intellectuals claim the Hispanic blood purity of the city population, and the other, on the second half, when they began to recognize positive qualities of the mixture of Spanish descendants and Eastern Bolivian lowland indigenous. ; Este artículo intenta comprender los debates que se dieron alrededor del mestizaje en Santa Cruz. Busca relacionarlos con el contexto político tratando de entender la fuerza que la historia y las ideas raciales podían tener a la hora de legitimar o denostar posiciones políticas, propias y ajenas, como parte de la lucha regionalista con el Estado central. Se centra en dos períodos, uno durante la primera mitad del siglo xx cuando los intelectuales de Santa Cruz reivindicaron la pureza de sangre hispana de los pobladores de la ciudad, y el otro, durante la segunda mitad, cuando comienzan a reconocer lo positivo de la mezcla entre descendientes de españoles e indígenas del oriente boliviano. ; Instituto de Investigaciones en Humanidades y Ciencias Sociales

This paper studies the relationship between party discipline and discretionary spending with theory and data. We propose a theoretical model in which a politician faces a conflict between her constituents' interests and the party line. Party loyalty is electorally costly for the politician and is therefore rewarded by the party leader with greater amounts of discretionary spending allocated to the politician's constituency. This effect is greater the more intense the conflict between the voters' and the party's interests. Using data on party discipline in the U.S. House of Representatives and federal payments to congressional districts between 1986 and 2010, we provide evidence that increases in legislators' party discipline raise the amounts of discretionary spending their districts receive. The rewards for discipline are larger the greater the gap between the constituents' and party's preferences (i.e., in conservative-leaning districts represented by Democrats or liberal-leaning districts represented by Republicans).

This article examines Andean music as an artistic and social practice outside Andean communities and with no relation to its original purposes. Of interest are the paradoxes that this has caused in regard to the displacement of folk subjects, processes of cultural re-signification and political appropriation and rupture, together with the role of the music industry in all of this. The ties and mutual influences between Argentine, Bolivian and Chilean Andean groups are thus reviewed, all of which converged in Paris from the 1960s onwards, where they acquired the cosmopolitan and political connotations characteristic of them. The so-called boom in Andean music in Chile at the height of the military dictatorship is also re-examined, discussing the ruptures and apparent contradictions of this phenomenon. ; El artículo indaga sobre la música andina como una práctica artística y social surgida fuera de las comunidades andinas y ajena a sus funcionalidades de origen. Interesan las paradojas que esto ha producido en cuanto a desplazamientos de sujetos folk, procesos de resignificación cultural y de apropiación y ruptura política, junto al papel de la industria musical en todo esto. Para ello se revisan los vínculos e influencias mutuas entre grupos andinos argentinos, bolivianos y chilenos, todos ellos convergiendo en París a partir de los años sesenta, desde donde adquieren las connotaciones cosmopolitas y políticas que los caracterizan. Asimismo, se revisa el llamado boom de la música andina que experimentó Chile en plena dictadura militar, abordando las fracturas y aparentes contradicciones de este fenómeno.