Suchergebnisse

Part of a symposium on social capital demonstrates the utility of researching children & adolescents during their formative periods. Political socialization studies on youth are reviewed. It is argued that age & the specific time in history are important to attend to. It is concluded that the study of adolescents' social environments & their involvement in different kinds of social interaction is a key avenue for socialization research.

Front-cover -- Title Page -- Contents -- Acknowledgements -- Introduction:The Rise and Influence of the Political Blogging A-list -- Arianna Huffington -- Taegan Goddard -- Jane Hamsher -- Eric Olsen -- Andrew Malcolm -- Nick Gillespie -- Thomas Lifson -- Eric Garris -- Tyler Cowen -- Rogers Cadenhead -- Lew Rockwell -- Jim Hoft -- Steve Clemons -- Ben Smith -- Matthew Yglesias -- John Hawkins -- Heather Parton -- Kevin Drum -- Juan Cole -- Cheryl Contee -- Conclusion: How to Plan, Produce, and Promote a Successful Political Blog -- Notes -- Back-cover.

One of the expectations generated by the Peace Agreement signed in November 2016 between the Colombian Government and the FARC-EP guerrillas was to create the conditions of democratic openness that would allow the conditions for political participation of the opposition. As a working hypothesis it is considered that the Colombian political regime has not provided enough guarantees for the participation and exercise of democracy and that the current government has allowed the conditions of political, social, and armed conflict to be sharpened. The method of analysis adopted is interpretative and inductive, with a focus on the political participation of the opposition in the broad sense. The information obtained was critically analyzed considering the guarantees for the exercise of the opposition, freedom of expression and association and social movements. It was found that social organizations and movements have not achieved significant participation as an opposition and that there is a greater commitment of the now FARC political party to what was agreed in 2016. It is concluded that the Peace Agreement failed to provide enough guarantees for the political participation of the opposition and the exercise of democracy. ; Una de las expectativas que generó el Acuerdo de Paz firmado en noviembre de 2016 entre el Gobierno colombiano y la guerrilla de las FARC-EP fue crear las condiciones de apertura democrática que permitan las condiciones para la participación política de la oposición. Como hipótesis de trabajo se considera que el régimen político colombiano no ha brindado suficientes garantías para la participación y el ejercicio de la democracia y que el gobierno actual ha permitido que se agudicen las condiciones del conflicto político, social y armado. El método de análisis adoptado es interpretativo e inductivo, con foco en la participación política de la oposición en sentido amplio. Se analizó críticamente la información obtenida teniendo en cuenta las garantías para el ejercicio de la oposición, libertad de expresión y asociación y movimientos sociales. Se encontró que las organizaciones y los movimientos sociales no han logrado una participación significativa como oposición y que existe un mayor compromiso del ahora partido político FARC con lo acordado en 2016. Se concluye que el Acuerdo de Paz no logró que el régimen político colombiano ofrezca suficientes garantías para la participación política de la oposición y el ejercicio de la democracia. ; Uma das expectativas geradas pelo Acordo de Paz assinado em novembro de 2016 entre o governo colombiano e a guerrilha das FARC-EP era criar condições para a abertura democrática que permitissem as condições para a participação política da oposição. Como hipótese de trabalho, considera-se que o regime político colombiano não forneceu garantias suficientes para a participação e o exercício da democracia e que o atual governo permitiu que as condições do conflito político, social e armado aumentassem. O método de análise adotado é interpretativo e indutivo, com foco na participação política da oposição em sentido amplo. As informações obtidas foram analisadas criticamente, levando em consideração as garantias para o exercício da oposição, liberdade de expressão e associação e movimentos sociais. Constatou-se que organizações e movimentos sociais não alcançaram participação significativa como oposição e que há um maior compromisso do partido político das FARC com o que foi acordado em 2016. Conclui-se que o Acordo de Paz não alcançou que o regime político colombiano ofereça o suficiente garantias para a participação política da oposição e o exercício da democracia.

One of the expectations generated by the Peace Agreement signed in November 2016 between the Colombian Government and the FARC-EP guerrillas was to create the conditions of democratic openness that would allow the conditions for political participation of the opposition. As a working hypothesis it is considered that the Colombian political regime has not provided enough guarantees for the participation and exercise of democracy and that the current government has allowed the conditions of political, social, and armed conflict to be sharpened. The method of analysis adopted is interpretative and inductive, with a focus on the political participation of the opposition in the broad sense. The information obtained was critically analyzed considering the guarantees for the exercise of the opposition, freedom of expression and association and social movements. It was found that social organizations and movements have not achieved significant participation as an opposition and that there is a greater commitment of the now FARC political party to what was agreed in 2016. It is concluded that the Peace Agreement failed to provide enough guarantees for the political participation of the opposition and the exercise of democracy. ; Una de las expectativas que generó el Acuerdo de Paz firmado en noviembre de 2016 entre el Gobierno colombiano y la guerrilla de las FARC-EP fue crear las condiciones de apertura democrática que permitan las condiciones para la participación política de la oposición. Como hipótesis de trabajo se considera que el régimen político colombiano no ha brindado suficientes garantías para la participación y el ejercicio de la democracia y que el gobierno actual ha permitido que se agudicen las condiciones del conflicto político, social y armado. El método de análisis adoptado es interpretativo e inductivo, con foco en la participación política de la oposición en sentido amplio. Se analizó críticamente la información obtenida teniendo en cuenta las garantías para el ejercicio de la oposición, libertad de expresión y asociación y movimientos sociales. Se encontró que las organizaciones y los movimientos sociales no han logrado una participación significativa como oposición y que existe un mayor compromiso del ahora partido político FARC con lo acordado en 2016. Se concluye que el Acuerdo de Paz no logró que el régimen político colombiano ofrezca suficientes garantías para la participación política de la oposición y el ejercicio de la democracia. ; Uma das expectativas geradas pelo Acordo de Paz assinado em novembro de 2016 entre o governo colombiano e a guerrilha das FARC-EP era criar condições para a abertura democrática que permitissem as condições para a participação política da oposição. Como hipótese de trabalho, considera-se que o regime político colombiano não forneceu garantias suficientes para a participação e o exercício da democracia e que o atual governo permitiu que as condições do conflito político, social e armado aumentassem. O método de análise adotado é interpretativo e indutivo, com foco na participação política da oposição em sentido amplo. As informações obtidas foram analisadas criticamente, levando em consideração as garantias para o exercício da oposição, liberdade de expressão e associação e movimentos sociais. Constatou-se que organizações e movimentos sociais não alcançaram participação significativa como oposição e que há um maior compromisso do partido político das FARC com o que foi acordado em 2016. Conclui-se que o Acordo de Paz não alcançou que o regime político colombiano ofereça o suficiente garantias para a participação política da oposição e o exercício da democracia.

Citizens have a right to be governed by officials with an acute awareness of the conflicts between the constitutional values of liberal democracy. Such an awareness is an integral part of a public official's integrity. That is why citizens should have a say in deciding whether to remove from office an official with such integrity. In this article, this type of conflict between constitutional values is translated into the terms of an individual official's decision making with the help of moral theory. This yields two paradoxes: one focusing on the decision maker and the other on the object of his or her decisions: the citizen. These paradoxes lead to the following questions: If running a liberal democratic constitution essentially involves moral complexity, should we not try to have it run by officials with a sensitivity to that complexity? And if officials with that sensitivity are bound to commit moral wrongs because of complexity, do not we owe them something like political forgiveness? The paradoxes are used to formulate conditions for political forgiveness.

The article discusses the permanence of clientelistic practices and their tensions with the participatory approach adopted within the framework of the Brazilian public policy of rural territorial development. It examines, in particular, the case of local implementation of the National Program of Territorial Development. The results come from the study of the functioning of the Territorial Collegiate and the projects implemented in the Águas Emendadas Territory in the Midwest of Brazil. It uses a socio-anthropological approach of patronage and political participation through the analysis of the social configuration and the relations of instrumentalisation in both the participatory spaces and the projects of this territory. The results show the existence of a not only social but also an affective dimension of clientele practice that can be analyzed as an asymmetrical reciprocity relationship based on the principle of anthropological reciprocity or as a process of unequal political exchange, considering a political science approach.

Survey data from selected geographical areas in India, Nepal and Bhutan show that attitudes towards women's participation in local politics are overwhelmingly positive. The findings indicate a shift from the deeply embedded notion that politics is men's domain, towards greater acceptance of gender equality. We find that attitudes cluster along three major dimensions: perceptions of women's capacities to join politics, the consequences of political engagement for the family's reputation, and consequences of women's political participation for their domestic responsibilities. Country differences are significant, with Nepalese respondents being the most positive, and Indian respondents the most negative. We explore individual, community, social and institutional variables that influence respondents' attitudes. Data are drawn from a survey of 6647 local level politicians, civil society leaders and ordinary citizens, and from interviews. ; Norges forskningsråd: 226092 ; acceptedVersion

Gender quotas have been held to have more far-reaching consequences than increasing women's political representation. Some scholars claim that they foster women's overall political engagement. After elaborating a theoretical framework on how affirmative action policies to legislative bodies might be beneficial to constituents of the targeted group, the author tests this hypothesis on women in seventeen Latin American countries. Contrasting previous claims, the author shows that there is no general proof of attitudinal or behavioral effects. The analysis represents an initial attempt to theorize and use large-scale data to examine the more long-term consequences of quota policies on female constituents' political involvement. Adapted from the source document.

Includes bibliographical references. ; The aim of my study was to measure the extent of children's participation in legislative processes that affect them and examine the factors that facilitate or inhibit such participation.

Every month in every neighborhood in Chicago, residents, teachers, school principals, and police officers gather to deliberate about how to improve their schools and make their streets safer. Residents of poor neighborhoods participate as much or more as those from wealthy ones. All voices are heard. Since the meetings began more than a dozen years ago, they have led not only to safer streets but also to surprising improvements in the city's schools. Chicago's police department and school system have become democratic urban institutions unlike any others in America. Empowered Participation is the compelling chronicle of this unprecedented transformation. It is the first comprehensive empirical analysis of the ways in which participatory democracy can be used to effect social change. Using city-wide data and six neighborhood case studies, the book explores how determined Chicago residents, police officers, teachers, and community groups worked to banish crime and transform a failing city school system into a model for educational reform. The author's conclusion: Properly designed and implemented institutions of participatory democratic governance can spark citizen involvement that in turn generates innovative problem-solving and public action. Their participation makes organizations more fair and effective. Though the book focuses on Chicago's municipal agencies, its lessons are applicable to many American cities. Its findings will prove useful not only in the fields of education and law enforcement, but also to sectors as diverse as environmental regulation, social service provision, and workforce development

This article focuses on the participation of party members in intra-party elections and on explanations for this behaviour. The number of intra-party elections is increasing, but their study remains an under-researched phenomenon in contemporary party politics. I test whether participation theories applicable to participation in society also obtain in intra-party elections. The theories tested are: instrumental motivation theory, mobilization theory, resource theory and participation as habit. My analysis on the individual level focuses on two particular internal elections in Belgian parties (VLD and VU) that differ in type and in the membership and ideology of the parties organizing these elections. The results largely confirm the instrumental motivation theory and participation as habit. Neither the mobilization theory nor the resource theory are supported.

This survey was funded from the European Commission's Horizon 2020 Research and Innovation Programme, Grant Agreement no. 693221 as part of the PROMISE project and was administered by the University of Tartu, Estonia.
It covers various areas of societal and political participation, conflict/support experiences, efficacy, and selected values of young and adult people in ten European countries, with a short standardized questionnaire being used to collect reports on perceptions, attitudes and behaviours.
The survey was administered using a central survey server at the Universtity of Tartu and used samples recruited from various standing online panels in the participating countries, i.e. effectively a quota sampling design was employed. Young persons in the age bracket 15-29 years were oversampled to achieve a realized case count of at least 600 such persons in each country.
More information on http://www.promise.manchester.ac.uk/en/home-page/