Suchergebnisse

In the current globalization debate the law appears to be entangled in economic and political developments which move into a new dimension of depoliticization, de-centralization and de-individualization. For all the correct observations in detail, though, this debate is bringing about a drastic (polit)economic reduction of the role of law in the globalization process that I wish to challenge in this paper. Here one has to take on Wallerstein's misconception of "worldwide economies" according to which the formation of the global society is seen as a basically economic process. Autonomous globalization processes in other social spheres running parallel to economic globalization need to be taken seriously. In protest against such (polit)economic reductionism several strands of the debate, among them the neo-institutionalist theory of "global culture", post-modern concepts of global legal pluralism, systems theory studies of differentiated global society and various versions of "global civil society" have shaped a concept of a polycentric globalization. From these angles the remarkable multiplicity of the world society, in which tendencies to re-politicization, re-regionalization and re-individualization are becoming visible at the same time, becomes evident. I shall contrast two current theses on the globalization of law with two less current counter-theses: First thesis: globalization is relevant for law because the emergence of global markets undermines the control potential of national policy, and therefore also the chances of legal regulation. First counter-thesis: globalization produces a set of problems intrinsic to law itself, consisting in a change to the dominant lawmaking processes. Second thesis: globalization means that the law institutionalizes the worldwide shift in power from governmental actors to economic actors. Second counter-thesis: globalization means that the law has a chance of contributing to a dual constitution of autonomous sectors of world society. ; Deutsche Fassung: Globale Privatregimes: Neo-Spontanes Recht und duale Sozialverfassungen in der Weltgesellschaft. In: Dieter Simon und Manfred Weiss (Hg.) Zur Autonomie des Individuums. Liber Amicorum Spiros Simitis. Nomos, Baden-Baden 2000, 437-453 und in Bruno Dechamps, Eduard Kroker (Hg.) Zeitenwende, Verlag Frankfurter Allgemeine Buch, Frankfurt 2001, 169-175. Englische Fassung: Global Private Regimes: Neo-Spontaneous Law and Dual Constitution of Autonomous Sectors? In: Karl-Heinz Ladeur (Hg.) Public Governance in the Age of Globalization. Ashgate, Aldershot 2004, 71-87. Italienische Fassung: Regimi privati globali: diritti neo-spontanei e costituzione duale di settori autonomi nella società-mondo? . In: Gunther Teubner, Costituzionalismo societario. Armando, Roma 2004 (im Erscheinen). Französische Fassung: Un droit spontané dans la société mondiale? In: Charles-Albert Morand (Hg.) Le droit saisi par la mondialisation. Bruylant, Bruxelles 2001, 179-220. Portugiesische Fassung: Regimes privados: direito neo-espontaneo e constituicoes dualistas na sociedade mundial. In: Gunther Teubner, Direito, Sistema, Policontexturalidade, Editora Unimep, Piracicaba Sao Paolo, Brasil 2005, 105-128

The last 20 years have brought about significant changes in the production of many capital-intensive infrastructure services. Industries that were previously dominated by monolithic, vertically integrated monopolies have been split into separate businesses, some of which are competitive and some of which remain natural monopolies. One example of such a change is the transformation of the electric power industry, which has been unbundled into generation, sales, transmission and distribution. In the businesses that remain natural monopolies, transmission and distribution, some benefits of market-based competition can be attained by outsourcing activities that are produced more efficiently by companies operating in competitive markets. This thesis studies the drivers and inhibitors of outsourcing in electricity distribution. Certain activities in the industry, such as the construction and maintenance of distribution networks, have already been outsourced to a large degree, but others have remained tightly integrated. The study is divided as follows:. 1. A review of outsourcing literature, with an emphasis on the effects of a monopoly position and public ownership;. 2. Analysis of the business logic of the electric power industry and the regulatory environment under which Finnish electricity distributors operate;. 3. Analysis of the current state and future trends of outsourcing in electricity distribution;. 4. A more detailed evaluation of the outsourcing of three specific activities. Factors that were found to play a central role in outsourcing decisions include: savings in production costs, transaction costs of outsourcing, the owner's possible political objectives, technological development related to the outsourced activity, and the regulatory authority's policy. ; Viimeiset 20 vuotta ovat tuoneet merkittäviä muutoksia monien pääomaintensiivisten infrastruktuuripalvelujen tuotannossa. Monet toimialat jotka ovat perinteisesti olleet monoliittisten, vertikaalisesti integroitujen monopolien hallinnassa, on jaettu useammiksi erillisiksi liiketoiminta-aluiksi. Osa näistä alueista on siirtynyt vapaan kilpailun piiriin, osan pysyessä edelleen luonnollisina monopoleina. Yksi esimerkki tällaisesta muutoksesta on sähkövoimateollisuuden deregulaatio, joka on johtanut tuotannon, myynnin, siirron ja jakelun eriyttämiseen. Niillä liiketoiminta-alueilla, jotka pysyvät luonnollisina monopoleina, eli siirrossa ja jakelussa, voidaan saavuttaa joitakin markkinaehtoisen kilpailun etuja ulkoistamalla sellaisia toimintoja, jotka voidaan tuottaa tehokkaammin kilpailluilla markkinoilla. Tässä diplomityössä tutkitaan ulkoistamisen ajureita ja esteitä sähkönjakelualalla. Tiettyjen toimintojen ulkoistaminen sähkönjakelualalla on jo suhteellisen yleistä, toisten pysyessä edelleen tiukasti integroituina. Työ on jaettu seuraavasti:. 1. Katsaus ulkoistuksia käsittelevään kirjallisuuteen, keskittyen erityisesti monopoliaseman ja julkisen omistuksen merkitykseen;. 2. Analyysi sähkövoimateollisuuden liiketoimintalogiikasta ja regulaatioympäristöstä, jossa suomalaiset sähkönjakelijat toimivat;. 3. Analyysi sähkönjakelualalla esiintyvien ulkoistusten nykytilasta ja tulevaisuuden trendeistä;. 4. Tarkempi selvitys kolmen yksittäisen toiminnon ulkoistamisesta. Mm. seuraavien seikkojen havaittiin vaikuttavan ulkoistuspäätöksiin: tuotantokustannuksissa saavutettavat edut, ulkoistuksen transaktiokustannukset, omistajan mahdolliset poliittiset tavoitteet, ulkoistettavaan toimintoon liittyvän teknologian kehitys ja regulaattorin linjaukset.

Tanto liberales como conservadores utilizaron la educación como bandera política amediados del siglo XIX y a través de su concepción centrada en el orden de la moral, yde las polémicas sobre la libertad de enseñanza, se dirimieron problemas centrales comoel federalismo y el centralismo, la libertad de imprenta y la libertad religiosa, ubicadosen las tensiones entre la ciudad y el campo, lo nacional y lo extranjero, lo permitido y lono permitido, lo que debía ser escrito y lo que debía ser leído.El libro como centro de acción en la cerrada sociedad letrada hizo parte fundamental dela acción social. La manera como se pensaron las prácticas lectoras dio al libro unafunción dentro de la cotidianidad tanto pública como privada. Exponer entonces lasmaneras como se representó el libro, permite identificar redes en la educación y sufunción social frente a la construcción de la nacionalidadEl artículo expone entonces las diversas representaciones del libro producidas entre losaños 1840-1880 (único período de desarrollo federal en la historia nacional). Desde lahistoria cultural se busca proponer así, diversos temas y problemas en los que se integrala historia del libro a la historia de la educación, ubicando las formas de acceso a la lecturacomo participación en la construcción de prácticas y gestos sociales tan importantes dereconocer para la historiaPALABRAS CLAVE:Representation, libro, historia de la educación, Colombia, siglo XIX, federalismo, centralismo.ABSTRACTAround the middle of the XIXeth century, liberals and conservatives used education asa political banner. Through their conception of education centered on the order of moralsand though polemics about the freedom of teaching, central problems like federalism andcentralism, press freedom and religious liberties were debated. These problems couldalso be pinpointed in the tensions between the country and the city, the national and theforeign, what was permitted and what was not, what should be written and what shouldbe read.The book, as a center of action in the closed literate society, was a fundamental part ofsocial action. The way in which reading processes were thought gave the book a specificfunction in public and private everyday life.This paper explains the different representations of the book that were current from1840 to 1880 (the only period of a federal government in Colombian history). Startingfrom cultural history, it sets forth several subjects and problems in which the history ofthe book merges with the history of education, identifying the different forms of gainingaccess to reading as a way to participate in the construction of social practices andgestures, which are should be recognized by history.KEY WORDS:Representation, book, history of the education, Colombia, XIXth century, federalism,centralism

1 archivo PDF ( 10 páginas). magyeers ; RESUMEN: El hombre y su naturaleza eminentemente social lo ha llevado a desenvolverse en diversos ámbitos de índole económica, política y social, y de ahí su importante participación en organizaciones públicas o privadas, de carácter mercantil o social, y de ahí su importante participación en organizaciones públicas o privadas, de carácter mercantil o social, donde unas veces tomas las tiendas de su desarrollo y, otras veces, participa activamente como elemento de un grupo pero, de cualquier forma, en todas ellas adquiere una responsabilidad. El planteamiento filosófico de la ética y los valores con sus implicaciones, puede verse reflejado en el moderno término de la responsabilidad social de las empresas o del empresario, mismo que entraña una directa responsabilidad individual originada en la propia expresión de la libertad, es decir: "la responsabilidad deriva del carácter propio y libre de mis actos, al punto que no solo son míos, cuando parten libremente de mí, sino cuando los asumo y respondo por ellos" Llano muestra un enfoque para el uso de la dirección de las empresas, en su afán de contribuir al discernimiento de puntos cruciales acerca de la responsabilidad de las empresas frente a sí mismas. Maneja seis parámetros que representan –a su juicio- el perfil ético de la empresa, y dos tipos de valores, los dominantes (prevalecientes en las empresas contemporáneas) y los ascendentes (aquellos de convivencia para el hombre). ABSTRACT: The human being´s nature, mainly social, has taken him to evolve in different environments: economical, political and social. Hence, he has been involved in both private and public, social or commercial organizations, where sometimes he has developed by himself, and some other times by participating a group member. In any case, he gets a responsibility. The philosophical, ethical statements and the values –including what they imply- can be reflected in the modern concept organizations and businessmen social responsibility. This term refers to a responsibility that, as it will be shown further, unleashes a direct individual responsibility, so we can state that the business social responsibility is actually preceded by the individual responsibility originated from his own freedom. Carlos Llano Cifuentes discusses an approach based on using business management to understand crucial points about business responsibility when organizations face themselves. He manages six parameters that represent the business ethical profile ant two types of values: the dominating (in most of the contemporary businesses) and the ascending ones (those which are convenient to the man). PALABRAS CLAVE: Responsabilidad, ética, organizaciones KEYWORDS: Responsibility, ethics , organizations

This paper1 intends to present and discuss the architectural movements in Cyprus during the westernisation period which started during the last phase of the Ottoman Rule and continued during the British Colonial Rule started in 1878 and lasted in 1960. During this period an eclectic style of architecture which is a combination of the traditional styles and the western elements developed in the island. This is in fact an expression of the attitudes of the local people as well as the rulers to achieve their idealistic aims. Thus all elements used in the contemporary architecture reveal the national identity as well as the yearning for the modernity, a trend which already was in full progress in the capitals of the mainland, İstanbul for the Turkish citizens and Athens for the Greeks. Therefore, the focus in this paper will be on the architecture within the defined periods that currently must be considered as part of the architectural heritage since they reflect the architectural history as well as the socio-economic and political situations of their times. Examples from the concerned periods are selected and analysed from the North as well as the South part of the island. The analysis is accompanied with self descriptions and wherever possible documentation about their past history is attempted. The concept of nationalism and westernisation is also attempted to be elucidated theoretically to clarify the case in Cyprus. Cyprus as an island of a rich legacy of various civilisations bears different characteristics that reflect the national identities as well as religious beliefs of its citizens. However, although there are many Latin religious monuments with original character, there are only a small number of civil buildings from the Medieval Latin and Ottoman periods that we have inherited with little alterations all of which were constructed for the need of social welfare in traditional, modest styles. Cyprus having inhabitants consisting of Moslem and non-Moslem citizens, mainly the Turks and the Greeks, kept on a traditional, modest style for the domestic as well as the religious buildings. Even though there were large complex of buildings constructed mainly for the public use such as inns, aqueducts, medreses and tekkes by the Turkish people, it is known that mainly the remains of the Latin buildings were primarily used with simple alterations and restorations according to the need of the Islamic religion. Only few Ottoman buildings show the classical Ottoman The Development of an Eclectic Style in Architecture due to the Cultural Evolution and Reflection of National Identity during the Westernisation of the Ottoman ; The file in this item is the pre-print version of the article (author's copy; unrefereed Author's Version). Due to copyright restrictions, the access to the publisher version (published version)

Straipsnyje aptariama vokiečių istoriko ir filosofo Jörno Rüseno (g. 1938) istorinės kultūros samprata, nagrinėjama šia samprata grįsto istorinės kultūros studijų projekto genezė iš istorikos, suprantamos kaip istoriografijos metateorija. Istorikos objektas yra istoriografijos paradigma kaip penkių tarpusavyje susijusių veiksnių (interesų, požiūrių į praeitį, tyrimo metodų, reprezentacijos formų, gyvenimo praktinės orientacijos funkcijų) sistema, turinti hermeneutinio rato struktūrą. Istorinė kultūra aprėpia visas praeities socialinės reprezentacijos, viešosios kolektyvinės atminties apraiškas, kuriomis pasireiškia visuomenės ar tam tikros socialinės grupės istorinė sąmonė, o jos struktūrą bei specifiką apibrėžia kognityvinio, politinio ir estetinio matmens santykis. Nei ankstesnėje istorikos koncepcijoje, nei vėlesniame istorinės kultūros studijų projekte Rüsenas nepateikia patenkinamo apibendrinamųjų teiginių apie istoriją ir jos reprezentaciją epistemologinio statuso problemos sprendimo. Jo istorinės kultūros studijų koncepcija yra vienpusiškai orientuota į elitinę istorinę kultūrą ir ignoruoja populiariosios istorinės kultūros gamybos, vartojimo, komercializacijos, ideologinių funkcijų problematiką. Originalių bruožų Rüseno istorinės kultūros koncepcijai suteikia istorijos etikos ir istorijos religijos idėjos.Prasminiai žodžiai: Jörnas Rüsenas, istorika, istorinė kultūra, istorinės kultūros studijos.

JÖRN RÜSEN'S THEORETICAL IDEAS FOR THE HISTORICAL CULTURE STUDIESZenonas Norkus
Summary The article discusses the concept of historical culture of German historian and philosopher Jörn Rüsen (b. 1938). This discussion includes the analysis of the idea of the historical culture studies that evolved from theory of historiography or metahistory (Historik). Rüsen considered as the object of Historik paradigms of historical studies conceived as hermeneutical-circle-like structures including interests, viewpoints upon the past, methods of research, forms of representation, and functions of the practical orientation of life. Historical culture includes all phenomena of the social representation of the past, public collective memory considered as expression of the historical consciousness of society or some particular social group. The structure of historical culture is defined by the interrelated cognitive, political, and aesthetic dimensions. However, neither in his earlier concept of Historik nor in the later project of the historical culture studies Rüsen provides satisfactory solution of the problems concerning epistemological status of his universal statements about the history and its representations. Are they descriptive or normative statements? A priori or empirical statements? His idea of the historical culture studies is onesidedly oriented towards the elite historical culture at the cost of neglecting the issues related to the production, consumption, commercialization of popular historical culture and its ideological functions. The ideas of the ethics of history and that of religion of history are considered as the original and bold proposals how to extend the field of the historical culture studies.Keywords: Jörn Rüsen, metahistory (Historik), historical culture, historical culture studies.

Purpose: This paper is to distribute first results of the EU Fifth Framework Project 'Providing integrated health and social care for older persons—issues, problems and solutions' (PROCARE—http://www.euro.centre.org/procare/). The project's first phase was to identify different approaches to integration as well as structural, organisational, economic and social-cultural factors and actors that constitute integrated and sustainable care systems. It also served to retrieve a number of experiences, model ways of working and demonstration projects in the participating countries which are currently being analysed in order to learn from success—or failure—and to develop policy recommendations for the local, national and European level. Theory: The paper draws on existing definitions of integrated care in various countries and by various scholars. Given the context of an international comparative study it tries to avoid providing a single, ready-made definition but underlines the role of social care as part and parcel of this type of integrated care in the participating countries. Methods: The paper is based on national reports from researchers representing ten organisations (university institutes, consultancy firms, research institutes, the public and the NGO sector) from 9 European countries: Austria, Denmark, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Italy, the Netherlands, and the UK. Literature reviews made intensive use of grey literature and evaluation studies in the context of at least five model ways of working in each country. Results: As a result of the cross-national overview an attempt to classify different approaches and definitions is made and indicators of relative importance of the different instruments used in integrating health and social care services are provided. Conclusions: The cross-national overview shows that issues concerning co-ordination and integration of services are high on the agenda in most countries. Depending on the state of service development, various approaches and instruments can be observed. Different national frameworks, in particular with respect to financing and organisation, systemic development, professionalisation and professional cultures, basic societal values (family ethics), and political approaches have to be taken into account during the second phase of PROCARE during which transversal and transnational analysis will be undertaken based on an in-depth analysis of two model ways of working in each country. Discussion: Far from a European vision concerning integrated care, national health and social care systems remain—at best—loosely coupled systems that are facing increasing difficulties, given the current challenges, in particular in long-term care for older persons: increasing marketisation, lack of managerial knowledge (co-operation, co-ordination), shortage of care workers and a general trend towards down-sizing of social care services continue to hamper the first tentative pathways towards integrated care systems.

This paper analyses the relationship between domestic market fragmentation and economic performance at the sub-national level within China. Market segmentation means that goods, services and factors of production -capital and labour- are not easily mobile across different regions. China's political and economic structure is described as de facto federalism. It is traditionally based on a decentralized regional planning where provinces can be considered as autonomous economic actors that govern most economic activities and have huge regulatory, economic and financial powers in hands. The paper follows a two-step procedure. First, it estimates a province-level indicator of market fragmentation based on a price-based approach. Specifically we focus on observed deviations from the Law of One Price for a set of homogeneous agricultural products. We argue that inter-regional price volatility in integrated economies should not depend on the relative position of markets. We use a three-dimensional data set of monthly prices on 7 agricultural goods, between 1987 and 1997 across 170 cities of 28 provinces. We deem a province to be poorly integrated when inter-market price dispersion is greater for markets that lie on different side of its border than for markets that locate within the province, after distance is controlled for. Second, it then embeds this measure of market fragmentation into a cross-province growth framework, estimated with the GMM-system method. Results underline the economic importance of the Chinese provincial borders to be substantial as they are significant explanatory variables in accounting for observed deviations of the Law of One Price. Controlling for distance, markets on opposite sides of regional borders feature substantially higher differences in commodity prices than do cities on either side of the border. There is no evidence of declining trend in market segmentation between Chinese provinces. The evolution of the border effect over time is consistent with the changing fortunes of the reforms in China. Market integration does not seem to have much improved over the reform process at least until 1995. Our analysis of provincial growth dynamics underlines the favourable impact of market integration on economic performance and agricultural output. Our indicator of market fragmentation enters negatively in all regressions. Its coefficient is not only significant but also proves very robust to the inclusion of control variables such as inflation, trade openness and the importance of the non-public sector. The larger a province's border effect (thus the lower its economic integration with the rest of the country), the lower its economic growth. These findings prove the detrimental impact of market segmentation on growth in China. By extension, it underlines the counter-productive effect of protectionist policies adopted by provincial authorities along the reform course.

Les relations entre l'élevage bovin et l'environnement sont complexes avec des implications positives (occupation du territoire, forte autonomie du système alimentaire, maintien de la biodiversité) et d'autres négatives (augmentation des teneurs en nitrates et en phosphore des eaux, émission de gaz à effet de serre). Ces relations sont historiquement et localement étroitement dépendantes de facteurs techniques (niveau d'intensification des superficies fourragères, productivité des facteurs de production, plans de fertilisation, conditions de stockage des effluents d'élevage, etc.). Elles sont également fortement influencées par certaines considérations économiques (évolution de la consommation, prise en compte du respect d'engagements environnementaux dans le prix des produits, etc.) et politiques (fixation de normes environnementales, mode d'intervention des pouvoirs publics dans la gestion collective de l'offre et dans la répartition territoriale des productions, mécanisme d'attribution des droits à prime, etc.). L'analyse de ces relations est rendue délicate par la diversité des systèmes de production et l'imbrication des problèmes de gestion du végétal et de l'animal. Outre les incitations incombant aux politiques agricoles, plusieurs évolutions techniques pourraient interagir dans le sens d'une amélioration de la relation à l'environnement. Ces évolutions techniques, ponctuelles (suppression des gaspillages et ajustement plus précis des intrants, gestion des déjections, etc.) ou plus radicales (modification des systèmes de production), seront possibles si elles s'accompagnent d'une amélioration sociale et/ou économique à l'échelle de l'exploitation. ; The relation between cattle breeding and the environment are complex with positive implications (use of land, a strong autonomy of the feeding system, maintaining of biodiversity) and negative implications (an increase in nitrates and phosphorus in water, emission of gases that contribute to the greenhouse effect). These relations are historically and locally closely dependent on technical factors (the level of intensification of fodder surfaces, productivity of production factors, fertilisation plans, conditions of stocking of livestock manure.). They are generally strongly influenced by certain economic considerations (the evolution of consumption, consideration in the prices of products, of a respect of environmental engagements.) and political considerations (environmental norms, way that public authorities intervene in the collective management of the offer and in the territorial distribution of production, mechanism of attribution of rights and premiums.). The analysis of these relations is made delicate by the diversity of the production systems and the interlacing of management problems of plants and animals. Besides the obligatory incitations of agricultural politics, several technical evolutions could interact in the sense of improving the relation of the environment. These technical evolutions, either punctual (suppression of waste and more precise adjusting of input, management of droppings.) or more radical (modification of production systems), will be possible if they are accompanied by a social and/or economic improvement on the farm level.

One of the very first paragraphs of the final chapter of the report, which I am commending to everyone's attention, says that the "institutional development" by which the Environment has been brought under my tutelage "has led to various reactions from the public". Not a whiff of justificatory comment on the move follows. That is the ideally objective and scientific spirit in which the environmental balance sheet of our country has been correctly couched. A reader of the WWF report on the Planet (written in preparation for the UN World Summit to open in Johannesburg on the 26th August) cannot help being struck by its contrastingly apocalyptic tone: it calculates that in just 50 years time, humankind may be forced to emigrate to some other planet, if it wants to survive. Two observations suggest themselves. On the one hand, a comparison of the figures and facts in the two reports indeed show that environmentally Malta is doing much better than the world as a whole – although that is a very relative judgment. On the other hand, because the environment is just one for the whole planet, it is in our interest, as well as our duty, to do our utmost to ensure an optimal outcome at Johannesburg. It is striking that the key concept emerging as central to the earth Summit is an unfortunately somewhat debased derivative of the Maltese concept of the "common heritage of mankind" and that the absolutely vital importance for the environmental future, especially in the context of climate change, of the Oceans (to which the Maltese concept was first applied) is being universally acknowledged. The reader of the Report will also be struck by the rare occurrence of such sentences as this: "Malta is currently transposing several items of EU legislation dealing with solid waste management into national legislation" (p575). Nobody will be unhappy at that – since solid waste disposal has been perhaps our most intractable environmental problem for years. In our negotiations with the EU, we have been striving hard, on the one hand, to get the proof that, even in the environmental area, the EU respects the great ecological value of diversity and individual, historically, geographically and culturally conditioned identity. However, there can be no doubt, that membership of the European Union will be a great boon for the Maltese environment both in its individuality and in the global context. The Report is written in the language of experts who speak of the situation with independent and non-political eyes. Other authorities may not agree completely with all their statements. But the Government as a whole will certainly use it as a management tool. So too, I am sure, will all the relevant, competent authorities. [preface] ; peer-reviewed

A thorough examination of the much ballyhooed Sarbanes-Oxley Act reveals dominantly a federal codification of extant rules, regulations, practices, and norms. Despite advertising it as "the most far-reaching reforms of American business practices since the time of FDR," a soberly apolitical view sees the Act as more sweep than reform. Important are provisions calling for nine studies; redundant but much publicized were the certification requirements imposed during the summer of 2002; other moves are mere patchwork responses to precise transgressions present in the popularized scandals. The Act is far from trivial, however. A silver bullet relates to the structure and funding of those who set the standards for auditing and accounting in the United States. Stripped of power is the AICPA, and altered in funding structure is the FASB. All parties but Congress are singled out for a wrist-slapping (auditors, accountants, officers, directors and committee members, lawyers, securities analysts, credit rating agencies, investment banks and financial advisors, state corporate lawmakers, the SEC, the Federal Sentencing Commission and even the Supreme Court). No reexamanation of Congressional reforms relating to private securities litigation or the erstwhile barrier between investment and commercial banking appear. In fact there is implicit endorsement of the Congressional approach, rooted in the process and control philosophy of the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act, which the Act follows. This reading of the Act as modest is advanced in three stages of this Article. The first sets the background by summarizing the salient features of the dominant precipitating scandals and their times. The second stage dissects every material provision of the Act in context. The third and final stage suggests why the political rhetoric and substance diverged so widely, with illustrations of what a substantively bold Act might have looked like. Explaining the Act's rhetoric-reality yawn requires speculation but informed hunches readily emerge. On the one hand, Congress may have understood that the visible debacles were not chronic epidemics but discrete pathologies and their root causes were market psychology beyond its regulatory reach (hence a reformless Act). On the other, Congress knew that the public perceived an acute systemic crisis of power abuse they had no responsibility for creating (hence the "sweeping" rhetoric). Another explanation, which also explains the Act's call for so many studies, is that it is too soon to diagnose deep causes or broad shortcomings but that immediate action was politically expedient. The studies bridge the gap between action and knowledge, constituting continuing threats to their targets to abide by the spirit of the Act, a threat to make the "sweeping" rhetoric real "reform."

7 páginas, ilustrado, 3 figuras. 3 tabulaciones, 13 referencias. ; En Honduras y Nicaragua se han formado instancias denominadas "redes operativas" que aglutinan entidades del sector público, asociaciones de grupos comunitarios e indígenas, universidades y escuelas técnicas, organizaciones no gubernamentales, proyectos y empresas privadas, y que sirven como puente lógico entre la investigación y la incorporación de sus hallazgos en la política. Con una discusión breve sobre un marco conceptual de la investigación, se presentan diferentes niveles de investigación, las relaciones entre éstos y la información que se genera. Esto ayuda a entender los tipos de datos necesarios para favorecer el desarrollo del sector y aportar una readecuación continua del marco político legal. Además, se anota brevemente un recuento del proceso de formación y consolidación de las redes1 , su papel actual y potencial en la planificación e implementación de actividades de investigación y su labor en la canalización de información generada por la investigación a los decisores políticos. Se proporcionan algunos ejemplos de aportes puntuales logrados hasta la fecha. Finalmente, se señala la trascendencia de la flexibilidad en las propuestas tecnológicas y en el marco político-legal, cuya función debería ser facilitar la incursión de la población civil en actividades de manejo y conservación de bosques. Esta flexibilidad debería encajarse dentro de un enfoque de "manejo adaptativo" que busca un mejoramiento continuo en las propuestas técnicas y socioeconómicas con base en las experiencias logradas. ; In Honduras and Nicaragua "operational networks" have been established which bring together entities from the public sector, associations of rural communities and indigenous groups, universities and technical schools, non-governmental organizations, projects and private enterprises. These networks provide a logical link between research initiatives and political dialogue. A conceptual framework for research is provided dividing research into four levels, each generating information for different purposes. This discussion illustrates the types of information necessary to favor forestry sector development and also to contribute to a continuous improvement in forestry policies and laws. A brief description is also provided on the formation and consolidation of the aforementioned networks, their present and potential role in the planning and implementation of research and their efforts to channel research results to policy makers. Examples of contributions are furnished. Finally, the importance of having flexibility in both technical aspects and in the policy realm is stressed. Forestry policy, it is opinioned, should aim to facilitate the participation of rural communities and private enterprises in forest management and conservation. Flexibility is required in order to pursue an "adaptive management" approach, which seeks continuous improvement in technical and socioeconomic proposals through the systematic and objective monitoring of efforts underway.

7 páginas, ilustrado, 3 figuras. 3 tabulaciones, 13 referencias. ; En Honduras y Nicaragua se han formado instancias denominadas "redes operativas" que aglutinan entidades del sector público, asociaciones de grupos comunitarios e indígenas, universidades y escuelas técnicas, organizaciones no gubernamentales, proyectos y empresas privadas, y que sirven como puente lógico entre la investigación y la incorporación de sus hallazgos en la política. Con una discusión breve sobre un marco conceptual de la investigación, se presentan diferentes niveles de investigación, las relaciones entre éstos y la información que se genera. Esto ayuda a entender los tipos de datos necesarios para favorecer el desarrollo del sector y aportar una readecuación continua del marco político legal. Además, se anota brevemente un recuento del proceso de formación y consolidación de las redes1 , su papel actual y potencial en la planificación e implementación de actividades de investigación y su labor en la canalización de información generada por la investigación a los decisores políticos. Se proporcionan algunos ejemplos de aportes puntuales logrados hasta la fecha. Finalmente, se señala la trascendencia de la flexibilidad en las propuestas tecnológicas y en el marco político-legal, cuya función debería ser facilitar la incursión de la población civil en actividades de manejo y conservación de bosques. Esta flexibilidad debería encajarse dentro de un enfoque de "manejo adaptativo" que busca un mejoramiento continuo en las propuestas técnicas y socioeconómicas con base en las experiencias logradas. ; In Honduras and Nicaragua "operational networks" have been established which bring together entities from the public sector, associations of rural communities and indigenous groups, universities and technical schools, non-governmental organizations, projects and private enterprises. These networks provide a logical link between research initiatives and political dialogue. A conceptual framework for research is provided dividing research into four levels, each generating information for different purposes. This discussion illustrates the types of information necessary to favor forestry sector development and also to contribute to a continuous improvement in forestry policies and laws. A brief description is also provided on the formation and consolidation of the aforementioned networks, their present and potential role in the planning and implementation of research and their efforts to channel research results to policy makers. Examples of contributions are furnished. Finally, the importance of having flexibility in both technical aspects and in the policy realm is stressed. Forestry policy, it is opinioned, should aim to facilitate the participation of rural communities and private enterprises in forest management and conservation. Flexibility is required in order to pursue an "adaptive management" approach, which seeks continuous improvement in technical and socioeconomic proposals through the systematic and objective monitoring of efforts underway.

In 1992 Colombia adopted the strategy of healthy municipalities, renamed in 1997 as healthy municipalities for peace. This strategy was promoted from different sectors and directed to social mobilization aimed at locally achieving equity, quality of life, and social development, thus allowing the creation of favorable-for-peace environments. Some municipalities have applied this strategy and both its processes as well as its results must be studied in order to learn from this experience. One of these municipalities was La Vega in the department of Cundinamarca. A case study of this municipality was carried out in order to evaluate some of the components of this strategy such as political involvement, healthy public policies, articulation between sectors and the organizational structure supporting this strategy. In this municipality the process began in 1990 as a primary health care strategy. In 1992 the mayor declared his commitment to this strategy and a plan of participative development, aimed at improving the quality of life of its population, was implemented. In this same year the Colombian Ministry of Health and the Pan American Health Organization recognized it as a healthy municipality and in 1997 it obtained the national healthy municipality prize. The relevant aspect of La Vega has been the process of community participation, basis of the work aimed at improving peoples´ health. ; La estrategia de Municipios Saludables se adoptó en Colombia en 1992 y en 1997 tomó el nombre de Municipio Saludable por la Paz. Se interpretó como una estrategia dirigida a la movilización social, impulsada desde diversos sectores para lograr la equidad, calidad de vida y desarrollo social en lo local, permitiendo la creación de ambientes propicios para la paz. Algunos municipios han aplicado esta estrategia y tanto sus procesos como resultados deben ser estudiados para aprender de su experiencia. Uno de estos municipios ha sido La Vega, ubicado en el Departamento de Cundinamarca, Colombia. Se llevó a cabo un estudio de caso de este municipio para evaluar algunos de los componentes de esta estrategia como el compromiso político, las políticas públicas saludables, la articulación intersectorial y la estructura organizativa que le sirve de soporte. El proceso en este municipio se inició en 1990, como una estrategia de atención primaria. En 1992 el alcalde municipal declaró su compromiso con la estrategia y se puso en práctica un plan de desarrollo participativo dirigido a mejorar la calidad de vida de su población. En ese mismo año el Ministerio de Salud y la Organización Panamericana de la Salud lo reconocieron como Municipio Saludable y en 1997 obtuvo el premio nacional de municipio saludable. Lo relevante de La Vega ha sido el proceso de participación comunitaria, eje del trabajo por mejorar la salud de la población.

Place Matters: Metropolitics for the Twenty-first Century is the latest entry in this debate. It takes issue with the description I have just presented. Based largely on analyses of voting behavior, it claims to see a systematic geographic social pattern. Dreier et al. see the demarcations of place as the crucial determinants of the life of the poor. In their schema the political divide between center city and suburbs is a crucial social divide. Within the metropolitan suburbs they see a further demarcation between what they term older 'inner ring' suburbs that they define as working class and poor and newer 'outer ring' suburbs that they define as middle class. The language of metropolitan rings that they employ derives from the 1920s social ecology work of the University of Chicago sociologists Robert Parks and Ernest Burgess. Based on studies of metropolitan Chicago, Parks and Burgess concluded that as a result of the urban land market, social classes sorted themselves out in rings in which real estate values were based on the convenience of the ring to the central business district. The contemporary metropolitan social ecology described by Dreier et al. is determined by a politics of exclusion. For these authors central cities are inhabited by poor people. Around this center are some affluent city dwellers and then 'inner' suburbs, post-World War II Levittown-style tracts that are 'quite depressing places.' These places are depressing because they lack 'public spaces, universities, cultural institutions, nightlife and downtowns that make central cities exciting places, even when they house many poor people.' The data used to support their argument are surprisingly weak. The principal evidence for their assertion that concentrated poverty is on the rise comes from a study by Douglas Massey. Massey measured the percent of poor people living in the neighborhoods of the average poor person and the percent of 'affluent people' (defined as four times poverty level income) living with the average 'affluent' person. Massey's data show that in 1970 the average 'affluent' person lived in a census tract in which 39 percent of the population was similarly endowed. In 1990, the comparable figure had risen to 52 percent. At the same time, the proportion of poor people living with the average poor person rose from 19 percent to 20 percent. Dreier et al. conclude from this that the percentage of poverty concentration in the poorer census tracts 'increased steadily.' Most statisticians would conclude that such a slight movement, about 1 percent over two decades, was meaningless. Although the authors base a great deal of their moral urgency on the asserted increase in ghettoization of the poor, the data they marshal do not make a compelling argument for the case.