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В статье рассматривается, каким образом в творчестве великого греческого драматурга отразились различные проблемы общественно-политического характера, многие из которых, будучи чрезвычайно актуальными в эпоху создания трагедий в V в. до н. э., не теряют своей остроты и в настоящее время. Вопросы о природе и сущности власти, политическом устройстве государства и личности, которая стоит во главе государства, затрагиваются во всех дошедших до нашего времени драмах Эсхила. Общефилософские размышления трагика на эти темы были, по всей видимости, подкреплены событиями, происходившими в то время на Афинской политической сцене продолжительной внутриполитической борьбой между аристократами и представителями демократии. Анализируя текст трагедий, автор статьи делает попытку сопоставить мифологический материал, разрабатывавшийся в драмах, с реальными историческими фактами и особенностями внутренней и внешней политики Афин первой половины V в. до н. э. ; The article examines the way different problems of social-political character are reflected in the tragedies of the great Ancient Greek dramatist. Many of these problems, which were relevant in the era of the creation of the tragedies the 5th century B. C., keep their relevance till nowadays. The questions of the nature and essence of power, the political structure of the state and the person, who is at the head of the state, are addressed in all Aeschylus' tragedies, which survived to our time. The general philosophical speculations of the tragedian on these matters were apparently supported by the events occurred on the political stage of Athens at that time the long-lasting domestic political struggle between aristocracy and democrats. By analyzing the text of the tragedies the author of the article tries to compare the mythological material, worked out in the dramas, with the real historical facts and peculiarities of domestic and foreign policy of Athens in the first half of the 5th century B. C.

The United States boasts a rich and varied history of political dissent. Over the past three centuries, men and women have created innovative ways to challenge the injustices of the social and economic orders they lived under. However, in the 19th century, political dissent was largely confined to specific issues of more localized concerns and national political movements oriented around a societal issue were relatively uncommon. Then, the Financial Panic of 1893 happened, causing the greatest economic depression the United States had ever faced. Out of this collective societal chaos arose Coxey's Army, a group of unemployed men led by Jacob Coxey, a wealthy Ohio businessman and Carl Browne, a jack of all trades man with a talent for public spectacle. In late March, the army set out to march on Washington, D.C. to publicly petition Congress to pass two bills, the Coxey Good Roads Bill and the Coxey Non-Interest Bearing Bonds Bill. This research examines the economic and social philosophy of Coxey's underlying the bills and the temperament of the marchers. From the ashes of the calamitous financial implosion, Coxey's Army lent popular legitimacy to his ideas for a more equitable economic system (which drew on prior Socialist thought and Populist and Greenback party politics). Foremost among these was the right to work, and implicit in it the idea that government was responsible to provide a job given the power it wielded over the economy. Through a new, novel form of political dissent, Coxey's army altered the societal discourse regarding laissez-faire economic ideals and the government's role in the economy. The Army legitimized the notion of popular dissent by providing a vehicle for the common man to become involved and voice his concerns and inaugurated the American practice of marching on the Capitol.

Greece is member of the EU since 1.1.1981. The accession of Greece to the European Community was signed and ratified by the Greek Parliament in 1979 with a majority of 193 votes out of 300. Article 28 of the Constitution of 1975 provided the legal basis of the incorporation of Community law into the Greek legal order. According to article 28 competencies provided by the constitution can be vested in agencies of international organizations by treaties or agreements, when this serves an important national interest and promotes co-operation with other states. European Community law has pervasive effects upon the Greek legal order and the regulations have direct applicability and effect in Greece.When required, domestic law is adapted to the provisions of Community law. In addition, Greek law belongs to the civil law tradition. The era of modern Greek law began with the National Revolution of 1821 against the Turks, which led to the creation of the Greek State in 1830. The most important codifications in Greek law are the following: Civil Code, Commercial Code, Penal Code, Code of Civil Procedure, Code of Criminal Procedure, Code of Private Maritime Law and Military Penal Code. The Greek Civil Code of 1946 was greatly influenced by Byzantine law, which was applied in Greece before the drafting of the Civil Code. The Civil Code is founded on the principles of personal autonomy, private property and freedom of contract. It also protects the institution of family, with equality between the sexes, being constitutionally proclaimed. It contains, however, general clauses, leaving space for judicial adaptation to changing circumstances aswell as for the introduction of elements of fairness . Main objective of this paper is to analyze Greece's Obligations law in a comparative view with the European law. DOI:10.5901/mjss.2014.v5n20p127

Дезертирство в русской армии периода Первой мировой войны явилось одним из неприглядных феноменов, мало изученных в отечественной историографии. Между тем явление дезертирства можно разделить на несколько категорий, выделяемых по характеру и формам проявления. В ходе затягивания военных действий масштабы дезертирства росли, однако до Февральской революции 1917 г. они не приняли массового характера. ; Desertion is one of the most active forms of ordinary resistance of the people to the state pressure during the low-popular war which is conducting for the purposes unclear for the people. At the same time, mass desertion is a manifestation of «total» war in the world conflicts of the XX century. During World War I in all armies of the world there was the desertion often accepting mass character. In the Russian army, as well as in other, deserters appeared from the war beginning. Desertion scales in the Russian army explained as objective factors diffi cult fights, shortage of supply, defeat at the front, and subjective unwillingness to participate in war, melancholy for the house, desire to help a family the work. Desertion in different years of war had various forms. If at the beginning of war there were mainly «self-arrows», in 1915, during defeats at the front evasion from entrenchments. By the end of 1916, because of the general fatigue from war, desertion takes the real form flight from the front to the back. After February revolution desertion becomes mass in which hundreds thousands military personnel take part already. Disorder of army and development of revolutionary process extremely strengthen desertion scales that is explained by the actual lack of punishment for this crime. Destruction of the Russian state during revolution became the main reason of coming to power of Bolsheviks, an exit of Russia from war and the army demobilization which essential part in 1917 already deserted from the front.

Исследуется организация таможенного контроля на западной границе Российской империи в первой половине ХIХ в. На материалах Радзивиловского таможенного округа, в состав которого входили таможни и заставы по границе от Бреста-Литовского Гродненской губернии до Исаковец Подольской губернии, рассмотрена структура, система управления и развитие таможенной сети. Также освещен вопрос эффективности борьбы с контрабандой в пределах указанного таможенного округа. Прослежен процесс формирования оптимальной организации пограничного и таможенного контроля на западной границе в первой половине ХIХ в. Раскрыта тесная взаимная связь между деятельностью по охране границы и организацией пропуска через нее людей, товаров и транспортных средств с таможенной политикой государства. Доказано, что политические изменения конца XVIII — начала XIX в. не привели к радикальному прекращению связей различного характера между людьми, оказавшимися в разных государствах, по обе стороны русско-австрийской границы. The article considers the problems of customs control management on the western frontier of the Russian Empire in the first half of the nineteenth century. The structure of administrative system and the development of the customs network have been analyzed on the materials of the Radzivilovskij customs district, which included the customs posts along the frontier from Brest-Lithuanian Grodno Gubernia to Isakovtsy of Podolskaya Gubernia. The ways and methods of effective struggle with illegal traffic and trade on the territory of the customs district mentioned above are also described in the article. The article considers the process of establishing effective border and customs control on the Western border during the first half of the 19th cent. The author shed the light on the close relationships between guarding the borders and customs control of people, goods and vehicles and the customs policy of the state. It has been proved that political changes at the late 18th — early 19-th cent. didn't cause any radical prevention against various relations between people who found themselves in different states on different sides of Russian-Austrian border.

The Institute for European Studies is organizing the second Jean Monnet Chair Conference on the 5th of May at Dar l-Ewropa, Valletta from 8.30 to 17.00. This forms part of the activities led by Professor Roderick Pace, Jean Monnet Chair and Director of the Institute focusing on research and teaching on the changes taking place in the EU and the Euro-Mediterranean region. Supported by the EU Lifelong Learning Programme, the conference hosts resident academics from the University of Malta, from foreign universities, research professionals, experts and scholars. The speakers include: Dr Fadeel Lameen, Chairman Libyan National Dialogue; Prof. Michelle Pace, Roskilde University, Denmark; Prof. Dr. Aylin Güney, Jean Monnet Chair, Yaşar University, İzmir, Turkey; Prof. Dr. Hasret Dikici Bilgin, Okan University, Istanbul, Turkey; Dr Adeel Malik, Oxford University; Prof Ahmed Ghoneim, Cairo University; Mrs Berta Fernandez, Intra-ACP Migration Facility, Brussels; Mr Claus Folden, European Asylum Support Office; Prof. Manfred Weissenbacher, University of Malta; Dr Arsalan Alshinawi, University of Malta; Dr Marcello Carammia, University of Malta;Mr Milan Pajic, Korean Embassy to the Kingdom of Belgium, the Duchy of Luxembourg and the European Union, Brussels; Mr Stefano Moncada, University of Malta. TOPICS TO BE DISCUSSED INCLUDE The EU Mediterranean Challenge - Time for a new Paradigm? –The EU's Interpretation of the "Arab Uprisings": Understanding the Different Visions about Democratic Change in EU-MENA Relations – Is Turkey a Model for State building in the Arab World? – State Building in Iraq Since 2003: Challenges and Lessons – From Resource Curse to Rent Curse: Toward a New Political Economy of the Middle East – Understanding the Roots of Economic Challenges Facing Egypt in The Aftermath of 25th January Revolution - The Movement of People in the Mediterranean Region: Future Scenarios and the EU Response - The Growing Scope of the EU Migration Policy Agenda - The Geopolitics of Energy: Global Transitions and Euro-Med ...

International audience ; This essay deals with a specific historical context for sociology: the period 1933–45 in Germany. It raises questions about the definition and self-definition of the discipline. i How far did the given historical, socio-cultural, economic, and legal contexts affect the work of sociologists? Can we speak of sociology as soon as the actors of the period speak of themselves as sociologists? Or otherwise, if we are to avoid historical relativism, what are the general criteria and requirements that allow us to define whether a given academic field, its actors, and activities were sociology or not, independently of the self-definition of those actors? Finally, what have the consequences been of the 1933–45 period for German sociology and for the discipline as such through to the present? If there is little literature within German-language sociology on the history of the discipline between 1933 and 1945, it appears that there is still much less available for an international audience. The essay thus also attempts to familiarize non-German readers with the state of the art. In order to understand the developments between 1933 and 1945, and to evaluate the significance of this historical period for the discipline in Germany and beyond, it is vital to get an impression of the state of affairs before 1933. This paper is thus structured into two periods—prior to 1933 and 1933–1945—and examines the contexts and contents of sociology for each of them. We can assume a dialectical relationship between contexts and contents, where the given socio-historical context strongly affects developments within the discipline, while the latter also has some reflexive repercussions on how society was perceived and how non-academic actors, here especially the political power elites, thought it should and could be organized and administered. The focus will mainly be on the extent to which context affects content.

This project explores documentary film practices in India with a specific focus on the relation between documentary film, social movements and political thought and practice. The book concentrates on historical moments significant both in terms of political—referring to state politics as well as non-state activism—and documentary film developments, between the mid 1970s and the present. Hereby, the main body of this anthropological and interdisciplinary research foregrounds the work of women documentary filmmakers and argues that their negotiations of their socio-political and film cultural contexts has led them to, time and again, provoke crucial shifts in and the expansion of documentary modes present today. Hence, Make it Real! argues for feminist film/politics not as a sub-cultural realm, but as making propositions for the political as such and here in particular supported through the continuous discourses in and around documentary mode film. The Make it Real! of the chosen title refers to the book's theoretical approach, which perceives documentary film not as a tool to represent political issues but as a social, political and artistic practice, which continuously opens out the new—new debates on local and global citizenry. This translates into working from the politics that documentaries make through the realities that they imagine and engender and which are often political by thinking and arguing beyond what is thought within the "limits of the possible" (Rancière). Those contextual proposals for the real and the intelligible develop throughout the book into an interrogation of the ethics of documentary mode filmmaking in the context of contemporary regional and global conflict. Herein the themes discussed include the constitution of movements as such, questions of gender and public space, sexuality and the nation, presentations of the female body, as well as, and interrelated, debates on the politics of historicity, on the question of Human/Rights, victimhood and citizenship and the ethics of listening. ...

Over the financial crisis, the ability of authorities to manage crises both domestically and in cross-border situations has been severely tested. The financial crisis exposed many problems within the global financial system and in the way it was regulated and governed. Financial market regulators did not accurately identified the risk of the banks taken in securitization procedures and did not estimated the losses that could appear in case of the systemic crisis. This led to chaotic bank crisis resolution and extraordinary financial cost suffered by Member States. Hence, the taxpayers were called upon billions of euro to recapitalize the banks in order to prevent the contagion risk. These failures of efficient prudential supervision and lack of regulation in banking restructuring and resolution has led to a need to create a banking union in the European Union which should assure the sufficient capital requirements of the banks and harmonized deposit guarantee scheme, also creation of the single supervisory mechanism and (single) banking recovery and resolution mechanism. Some of the legislative initiatives are agreed, others are under negotiation processes and an important single resolution mechanism proposal is still under in drafting process. As for public policy of the European Union the most important legislative procedures are single supervisory mechanism (SRM) and banking restructuring and resolution (RRD). The said proposals will centralize the prudential supervision in the hands of European central bank and provide harmonized approach on bank rcoery and resolution mechanisms. However, the centralization of the prudential supervision within euro-zone and non-euro zone member states that are willing to join the SSM will have a significant impact on the national public administration systems. Therefore, there is a need of scientific analysis of this phenomena. Hence, the article considers possible positive and negative the implications of the SSM and RRD on national public administration systems and ...

How to develop peasant agriculture in Guatemala? Such is the challenge the Guatemalan State faces since 1944, that is, since the "Democratic Spring" tried, without success, to organize the transition from the large latifundios plantations to an agriculture based upon small and medium sized modernized exploitations. The thesis takes the case of Maya-q' eqchi' villages of the valley of Cahabón in Guatemala. Considering the different development policies which "were proposed to them" with their constraints, by national and local elites or by ONG, Q'eqchi' peasants built their relative autonomy thanks to a long legal fight against the device of the colonato of the Hacienda, then by the painful adaptation to the policies of "agrarian transformation" of the militarized State and to privatization and the parcelization of land imposed by the liberal democracy. The comparison between the Q'eqchi' version of this history with the "western" and the local ladino elite version provides a detailed ethnographic picture of the complexity of these conflicts and the way Q'eqchi' have organized their resistance and their fight, through their own cosmovision, words and ritual. Through the description of the original institutions (mutual work, abstinence, brotherhood) which control the production of commercial food products (coffee, cardamom, cocoa, hot pepper) and food (corn, bean, marrows, etc) and the relation with money, it relates the successes and the failures of various current programs of development. ; Comment développer l'agriculture de petits paysans au Guatemala ? C'est la question que l'État guatémaltèque se pose depuis 1944, lorsque le Printemps démocratique tenta, sans y parvenir, d'organiser la transition du régime des grandes plantations latifundiaires à une agriculture de petites et moyennes exploitations modernisées. Nous nous intéressons dans cette thèse au cas des villages mayas-q'eqchi' de la vallée de Cahabón au Guatemala. Face aux différentes politiques de développement qui leur ont été « proposées » avec ...

Contemporary latino mass immigration has come to the United States within the framework ofi mmigration policies resulting from the tensions between employers' demands, anti-immigration pressures from various groups, and the immigrants' own aspirations. Those partially contradictory demands have been harnessed in what we call the immigration regime, which policymakers strive tomaintain, sometimes through substantial modifications. The regime, between immigration demand and rejection, constitutes one of the historical conditions of immigrant mobilization and politicization.Other such conditions are a result of the history and the present state of the labor movement, longhostile towards immigration, despite drawing crucial contributions from it. Immigrants remain largely unorganized for the defense of their rights, despite the interventions of non-profits. Hardly anything in the organizational landscape allowed analysts to predict any social movement such as that which swept the country during the Spring of 2006. Our analysis, based on the existing literature as well asour own fieldwork data collected in Chicago, will present the creation of a political opportunity for such a movement, at a time when the stabilization of the immigration regime was becoming particularly problematic. The social actors behind this creation, activists who arguably founded themovement, sometimes belonged to established immigrant advocacy organizations, yet acted relatively autonomously in the Spring of 2006. Their success rested on their capacity to intervene in a way thatechoed the rising tide of protest among latino immigrants. We offer a reading of those events based on the concept of repertoires of protest, so as to better describe the specific traits of an atypical mobilization in the contemporary US context, and the importance of political culture trends among latino immigrants. The movement was also an opportunity to focus on strategic debates concerning immigrant rights (within the regime or otherwise) and the power and ...

How to develop peasant agriculture in Guatemala? Such is the challenge the Guatemalan State faces since 1944, that is, since the "Democratic Spring" tried, without success, to organize the transition from the large latifundios plantations to an agriculture based upon small and medium sized modernized exploitations. The thesis takes the case of Maya-q' eqchi' villages of the valley of Cahabón in Guatemala. Considering the different development policies which "were proposed to them" with their constraints, by national and local elites or by ONG, Q'eqchi' peasants built their relative autonomy thanks to a long legal fight against the device of the colonato of the Hacienda, then by the painful adaptation to the policies of "agrarian transformation" of the militarized State and to privatization and the parcelization of land imposed by the liberal democracy. The comparison between the Q'eqchi' version of this history with the "western" and the local ladino elite version provides a detailed ethnographic picture of the complexity of these conflicts and the way Q'eqchi' have organized their resistance and their fight, through their own cosmovision, words and ritual. Through the description of the original institutions (mutual work, abstinence, brotherhood) which control the production of commercial food products (coffee, cardamom, cocoa, hot pepper) and food (corn, bean, marrows, etc) and the relation with money, it relates the successes and the failures of various current programs of development. ; Comment développer l'agriculture de petits paysans au Guatemala ? C'est la question que l'État guatémaltèque se pose depuis 1944, lorsque le Printemps démocratique tenta, sans y parvenir, d'organiser la transition du régime des grandes plantations latifundiaires à une agriculture de petites et moyennes exploitations modernisées. Nous nous intéressons dans cette thèse au cas des villages mayas-q'eqchi' de la vallée de Cahabón au Guatemala. Face aux différentes politiques de développement qui leur ont été « proposées » avec ...

Досліджено етапи функціонування політичної опозиції в Україні. Проведений аналіз особливостей діяльності опозиції на сучасному етапі українського державотворення. ; Исследованы этапы функционирования политической оппозиции в Украине. Отмечается, что процессы демократизации политико-институционального устройства возможны только с учетом деятельности оппозиции как элемента политической системы. Проведен анализ особенностей деятельности оппозиции на современном этапе Украинского государства. Охарактеризованы отношения парламентского большинства и оппозиции в контексте попыток силового решения конфликтных ситуаций, блокирование работы парламента. ; Investigated stages of functioning of the political opposition in Ukraine. It is noted that the process of democratization of political and institutional arrangements are possible only on the basis of the opposition as part of the political system. The analysis of the characteristics of the opposition at the present stage of the Ukrainian state. We characterize the relationship of the parliamentary majority and the opposition in the context of attempts to force to resolve conflicts, the blocking of the parliament.The analysis of the problems of the opposition in the political system of Ukraine. It is shown that an important role is played absence constructive dialogue, weak opposition leadership, the uncertainty of the subjects of opposition activity, lack of legislative regulation of opposition activity and a low level of democratic political culture.Notes the author, that s passing in parliament of new in political forces kotorыe pozytsyonyruyut itself êàê oppozytsyonnыe and zayavlennыe ymy program of action nachalsya a new phase of opposition activities. .The current stage of relations between the opposition and the government are characterized by a new wave of confrontation, failure to cooperate in the state. Preservation of democratic processes, creating unequal conditions for the opposition political competition, the removal of influential political parties from participating in elections, falsifying their results creates conditions that prevent further democratic development of the country.

Advocating for nonviolent change, the Centre for Conflict Studies emphasizes research and practice to better understand conflicts and manage them effectively in order to bring changes to current inequalities and social injustices. Our quarterly magazine, Reflections, will be published in January, April, July, and October. This article appears in volume 2, number 2. 2012-04-04. ; A new term has entered the economic reconstruction lexicon: "expeditionary economics." While there is some disagreement over the exact meaning of the term and the objectives of the concept, a consensus definition could be summarized as the use of military personnel to rebuild the economy in post-conflict and post-disaster nations in situations where the environment is too dangerous for civilian personnel and aid agencies. The evolution of expeditionary economics is the result of the recognition of the substantial financial and logistical resources possessed by the military and the understanding that economic development is essential for the long-term success of military interventions. In addition, the military is uniquely positioned to operate in unstable, dangerous, and remote environments and to mobilize at short notice. However, the expansion of the role of the military beyond war fighting to economic reconstruction is an acknowledgement that military operations alone will not achieve stabilization in conflict or disaster areas. But, expeditionary economics does not advocate deploying the military for economic reconstruction functions. It is utilizing military already engaged at a location to enhance stability. While several countries were actively engaged in rebuilding the economy in Afghanistan and Iraq, the term appears to have gained the most traction in the United States. This reflects a change in foreign policy outlook and the role of the United States in engaging in nation building and its associated tasks. The role of the forces in reconstruction is time limited and is a sequencing issue. It involves reconstruction activities after conflict and before civilian control of reconstruction.

'Water services' is a term under the EU Water Framework Directive (WFD) that describes economic activities which make use of water infrastructure that changes the physical characteristic of a water body. Economic actors who make use of water in this way are asked to come up for all or part of the costs and thus contribute to the achievement of good water status - the objective of the WFD.
However many European member states have applied a narrow definition of the term in their national legislation and restricted water services to the traditional water service sectors: wastewater treatment and municipal drinking water supply, leaving agriculture, mining, hydropower or navigation aside. Because of the narrow definition of this legal term the wrong economic policies are applied to water users resulting in a poor allocation of natural and financial resources. This goes against the very essence of the WFD which was adopted to start a new area in which all human pressures on water are dealt within a single framework and in which the polluter has to pay. The involvement of all relevant sectors and application of wise economics is crucial for the timely implementation of the WFD. In turn, this is essential for the European society and economy in view of the predicted increase in pressure on water in the future.
EEB and WWF started a collective complaint against 11 member states in 2006 to enforce the correct implementation of the Directive. A decision by the European court of Justice is expected in the fall of 2012. In this article the author explains the concept of the term 'water services' and outlines the economic and legal consequences of a narrow and broad definition. The development of the collective (or strategic) complaint from 2006 till today is also described.