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This article explores political trust, delving into its subcomponents and the relationship between them. It is interested in explaining why governmental trust and trust in regulative state institutions are similar in some countries and different in others. It argues that the variation can best be explained by checks on the executive. This is the case because the more restricted the executive, the less regulative state institutions are affected by the fluctuations in governmental trust. When the government cannot encroach upon state institutions, the impartiality and efficacy of regulative institutions are maintained. The less governmental interference to regulative state institutions, the more such institutions will be devoted to the public rather than partisan interests, resulting in a wider gap between state and government trust. The argument is tested through an empirical analysis of a cross-national panel data based on all existing waves of the World Values Survey.

The author attempts to present the transformation of the image of Napoleonic era in the political discourse of modern France, based on mass media materials. The tendency of the French authorities to justify the authoritarian leadership by referring to the categories of the past usually brings about strong opposition from the public. The author comes to the conclusion that Napoleon's image occupies a significant position in the political discourse of France, being a certain symbol of search of a form of perfect government model. But the transformation of the image of the French emperor at different stages of development of the Fifth Republic shows that use of the image of a historical person or a historical event for the benefit of the power can lead to absolutely unpredictable results. Thus, historical myths about Napoleon in the political space of modern France stimulate the awakening in the society of the feeling of patriotism only in reference to the sphere of the international relations.

In The Order of Public Reason, Gerald Gaus defends an innovative and sophisticated convergence version of public reason liberalism. The crucial concept of his argumentative framework is that of "social morality", intended as the set of rules apt to organise how individuals can make moral demands over each other. I claim that Gaus's characterisation of social morality and its rules is unstable because it rests on a rejection of the distinction between the normative and the descriptive. I argue that such rejection is motivated by certain practical aims Gaus wishes his theory to achieve. His method and his idea that morality needs to be understood both as the dictate of impartial reasoning and as a social and historical fact come from the need for his theory to perform the task of settling the problem of order. I discuss Gaus's philosophical attitude and, finally, distinguishing between "therapeutic" and "evaluative" approaches, I present some points of discussion for understanding the role and scope of political philosophy in general.

Different concepts of local democracy imply different tasks, functions and reform strategies for local political leadership. This article draws a map of local democracy that entails four non-exclusive components: representative democracy, user democracy, network democracy and participatory democracy. After reflecting on the nature of local democracy in governance and the functions of political leadership generally, the article considers in turn the bases of constructing the common good within each form of democracy. Special attention is given to the role of political leadership within these forms.

The relationship between political culture & the delivery of health care is discussed. Specifically, the importance of political culture in describing & explaining similarities & differences in health care policy & delivery systems between & within nations is examined. Certain components of political culture, eg, ideology, religion, & ethnicity, are identified & applied to specific national scenes. The limitations of the political culture approach, & the need to use it in conjunction with other closely related types of explanation of a structural, institutional, & functional nature, are noted. Modified AA.

The aim of this research is to analyze statistics to understand the effect of political parties on women organizations and the obstacles they create for these organizations as they work for gaining their members' rights. In the research, the quantitative method was used for collecting data, using a questioner. The research participants were chosen through snowball sampling in Erbil Governorate. The size of the sampling was 195 persons that their level of education was different. For analyzing the collected data SPSS software was used. The findings show that politics to a very low extent were obstacles for women's organization and thus these organizations were unable to effectively operate in obtaining their members' rights. The results also show that women themselves were unable to play an effective role for gaining their rights. In addition, the findings show that not having their own sources of finance makes women's organizations depend on political parties. Key words: Women's Organizations, Political Parties, Radical Feminist, Liberal Feminist.

AbstractHow does a political party become 'mainstream'? And what makes some parties receive arguably the opposite designation – 'pariah party'? This conceptual article examines the processes by which parties' mainstream or pariah status must be constructed, negotiated and policed, not only by political scientists in the pursuit of case selection, but by several actors actively involved in the political process, including media actors and political parties themselves. It explains how these actors contribute to these processes of 'mainstreaming' and 'pariahing', considers their motivations and provides illustrative examples of how such processes take place. As such, the article moves beyond the literature on the ways in which mainstream parties seek to deal with or respond to threats from a variety of pariah parties, instead paying attention to how those parties have been constructed as pariahs in the first place, and how these processes simultaneously contribute to the maintenance of mainstream party identities.

The Rushdie affair has raised 5 important issues. These concern: the status of the immigrant; equality before the law; communal libel or defamation; the grounds and limits of free speech; and the nature and role of political philosophy. (SJK)