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The article focuses on the role of contemporary agrarian history in Spanish historiography. A new epistemological frame opened up after Franco's Dictatorship. The importance of the agrarian sector until the 1960s in Spanish economy, society and culture served as a basis for new historical research from the 1980s. The new historical trends as well as regional and local history had a significant impact on agrarian history. Moreover, new studies in the 1990s succeeded in incorporating Spanish agrarian history into the discussions in other European countries. In relation to the agrarian reforms of the nineteenth century, the regional diversity and the variety of economic activities of agents emerged as new subjects of research. Furthermore, the old political history was transformed into the social and economic study of persistent clientelism in agrarian society. Recently, political mobilization and social protest (as a form of political participation outside the political institutions) from the point of view of individual experiences belong to the most important items of historical studies. Additionally, research on the rural family or the role of women in agrarian society is a recent contribution of Spanish agrarian historiography. During the last years, environmental history emerged as a new field for rural historians. In this respect, the use of water as a scarce resource in agrarian society and the consequences of the destruction of the common land are studied from an environmental perspective. ; The article focuses on the role of contemporary agrarian history in Spanish historiography. A new epistemological frame opened up after Franco's Dictatorship. The importance of the agrarian sector until the 1960s in Spanish economy, society and culture served as a basis for new historical research from the 1980s. The new historical trends as well as regional and local history had a significant impact on agrarian history. Moreover, new studies in the 1990s succeeded in incorporating Spanish agrarian history into the discussions in other European countries. In relation to the agrarian reforms of the nineteenth century, the regional diversity and the variety of economic activities of agents emerged as new subjects of research. Furthermore, the old political history was transformed into the social and economic study of persistent clientelism in agrarian society. Recently, political mobilization and social protest (as a form of political participation outside the political institutions) from the point of view of individual experiences belong to the most important items of historical studies. Additionally, research on the rural family or the role of women in agrarian society is a recent contribution of Spanish agrarian historiography. During the last years, environmental history emerged as a new field for rural historians. In this respect, the use of water as a scarce resource in agrarian society and the consequences of the destruction of the common land are studied from an environmental perspective.

The article analyses the political attitudes and behaviours of the citizens, and describes the content and dynamics of the changes occurring due to the evolution of the Polish political system. The analysis of political participation by Polish citizens is presented in relation to the theoretical construct of social attitudes as a foundation of democracy, as proposed by Dahl. In the context of society's approach to democracy and trust in institutions, a comparative analysis has been presented of voter participation in subsequent parliamentary and local elections. The process of creating a civil society, including the various forms of participation in non-governmental organisations, has been presented in relation to attitudes such as cooperation, social trust and care for the common good.In order to illustrate the egocentric and particularistic attitudes, the activities of citizens involved in the politics of protest have been analysed. Recent years have seen a number of demonstrations; symbolic in nature and testimony to certain principles, which have been used here as material for the analysis of the ideological approach to political problems.To sum up the problem of political participation of Polish citizens, it can be said that the dynamics of the forms and content of political participation indicates a growing involvement of citizens in the governance process, which definitely makes a positive contribution to the development of democracy. It must be noted, however, that the political activity of a large part of society has not been motivated by pro-democratic attitudes. The high diversification, disparity and instability of attitudes translate into the forms and content of political participation. ; Artykuł zawiera analizę postaw i zachowań politycznych obywateli, opis ich treści i dynamiki zmian zachodzących pod wpływem ewolucji polskiego systemu politycznego. Analizę partycypacji politycznej Polaków przedstawiono w odniesieniu do teoretycznego konstruktu postaw społecznych leżących u podstaw demokracji, zaproponowanego przez R. Dahla. W kontekście stosunku społeczeństwa do demokracji i zaufania do instytucji przedstawiono analizę porównawczą partycypacji wyborczej w kolejnych wyborach parlamentarnych i samorządowych. Proces kreowania społeczeństwa obywatelskiego – różne formy uczestnictwa w organizacjach pozarządowych przedstawiono w odniesieniu do postaw współdziałania, zaufania społecznego i dbałości o wspólne dobro.Dla ilustracji postaw egocentrycznych i partykularnych grupowych dokonano analizy działań obywateli uczestniczących w polityce protestu. Liczne demonstracje, jakie miały miejsce w ostatnich latach o znaczeniu symbolicznym, stanowiące wyraz dawania świadectwa wartościom posłużyły jako materiał do analizy ideologicznego stosunku do problemów politycznych.Podsumowując problem partycypacji politycznej Polaków można stwierdzić, iż dynamika form i treści partycypacji politycznej świadczą o pogłębiającym się uczestnictwie obywateli w procesie rządzenia państwem, co niewątpliwie stanowi pozytywny aspekt rozwoju demokracji. Zauważyć jednakże należy, że u podstaw aktywności politycznej znacznej części społeczeństwa nie leżą postawy sprzyjające demokracji. Silne zróżnicowanie, niespójność i chwiejność postaw przekłada się na formy i treść partycypacji politycznej.

Artykuł zawiera analizę postaw i zachowań politycznych obywateli, opis ich treści i dynamiki zmian zachodzących pod wpływem ewolucji polskiego systemu politycznego. Analizę partycypacji politycznej Polaków przedstawiono w odniesieniu do teoretycznego konstruktu postaw społecznych leżących u podstaw demokracji, zaproponowanego przez R. Dahla. W kontekście stosunku społeczeństwa do demokracji i zaufania do instytucji przedstawiono analizę porównawczą partycypacji wyborczej w kolejnych wyborach parlamentarnych i samorządowych. Proces kreowania społeczeństwa obywatelskiego – różne formy uczestnictwa w organizacjach pozarządowych przedstawiono w odniesieniu do postaw współdziałania, zaufania społecznego i dbałości o wspólne dobro. Dla ilustracji postaw egocentrycznych i partykularnych grupowych dokonano analizy działań obywateli uczestniczących w polityce protestu. Liczne demonstracje, jakie miały miejsce w ostatnich latach o znaczeniu symbolicznym, stanowiące wyraz dawania świadectwa wartościom posłużyły jako materiał do analizy ideologicznego stosunku do problemów politycznych. Podsumowując problem partycypacji politycznej Polaków można stwierdzić, iż dynamika form i treści partycypacji politycznej świadczą o pogłębiającym się uczestnictwie obywateli w procesie rządzenia państwem, co niewątpliwie stanowi pozytywny aspekt rozwoju demokracji. Zauważyć jednakże należy, że u podstaw aktywności politycznej znacznej części społeczeństwa nie leżą postawy sprzyjające demokracji. Silne zróżnicowanie, niespójność i chwiejność postaw przekłada się na formy i treść partycypacji politycznej. ; The article analyses the political attitudes and behaviours of the citizens, and describes the content and dynamics of the changes occurring due to the evolution of the Polish political system. The analysis of political participation by Polish citizens is presented in relation to the theoretical construct of social attitudes as a foundation of democracy, as proposed by Dahl. In the context of society's approach to democracy and trust in institutions, a comparative analysis has been presented of voter participation in subsequent parliamentary and local elections. The process of creating a civil society, including the various forms of participation in non-governmental organisations, has been presented in relation to attitudes such as cooperation, social trust and care for the common good. In order to illustrate the egocentric and particularistic attitudes, the activities of citizens involved in the politics of protest have been analysed. Recent years have seen a number of demonstrations; symbolic in nature and testimony to certain principles, which have been used here as material for the analysis of the ideological approach to political problems. To sum up the problem of political participation of Polish citizens, it can be said that the dynamics of the forms and content of political participation indicates a growing involvement of citizens in the governance process, which definitely makes a positive contribution to the development of democracy. It must be noted, however, that the political activity of a large part of society has not been motivated by pro-democratic attitudes. The high diversification, disparity and instability of attitudes translate into the forms and content of political participation.

In the last decades of the twentieth century, Latin American and Eastern European countries experienced thorough processes of economic liberalization and became the hallmark of the neoliberal development model. After severe economic crises, increased social inequality and the associated political turmoil, many countries experienced reform backlashes or built alternative development models. A handful of countries, however, retained their neoliberal development models over time. What explains the resilience of neoliberalism in these countries? I provide a twofold answer: first, specific actors formed coalitions that pursued and defended neoliberal policy alternatives over time; second, specific institutional mechanisms allowed these actors to remain powerful in order to veto changes. To arrive to this answer I conducted a small-n research, focusing on four countries with substantive market reform experiences, two representing resilience (Chile and Estonia) and two representing discontinuity (Argentina and Poland). I combined within-case methods (process tracing) and comparative methods to determine causal links between the explanatory factors (coalitions and institutions) and the outcome to explain (neoliberal resilience). To assess neoliberal resilience, I analyzed the trajectory of two policy domains: exchange rate regimes and industrial policy. The study covers the period from the introduction of market reforms (ca. 1970-1990) until the 2007-8 crisis. Theoretically, I combined insights from the literature on the political economy of policy reforms, international political economy theories of policy preferences, and institutional change theories from political science. In the first part, I analyzed the formation of coalitions supporting and opposing neoliberalism. I focused on three actors: capital, divided into four sectors (financial, public utilities, competitive and non-competitive); political parties, divided on the right-left spectrum; and labor unions. I assessed their strength using quantitative data (sectorial national accounts, electoral data, unionization and collective bargaining levels), traced their preferences for exchange rate regimes and industrial policy using interviews and newspaper articles, and compared the dynamics of coalition formation and support across cases. In the second part I analyzed the political and institutional mechanisms that allowed neoliberal actor constellations to remain powerful over time and veto changes to established policies. I used specialized literature, interviews and newspaper articles to identify and test the relevant mechanisms. The main findings of my dissertation are: 1) neoliberal development projects have been pursued and defended by coalitions between the financial and competitive economic sectors, and right-wing parties; 2) non-competitive economic sectors, labor unions and left-wing parties have opposed neoliberalism (successfully in the cases of discontinuity, unsuccessfully in the cases of resilience); 3) neoliberal coalitions used three mechanisms to maintain their power resources over time: creating business supporters through privatization, blocking opposition using restrictive electoral rules and labor market institutions, and institutionalizing central bank independence and fiscal spending rules. These mechanisms have been used in different combinations in Chile and Estonia to empower actors defending neoliberalism, weaken actors opposing neoliberalism, and prevent significant changes in exchange rate regimes and industrial policy. Conversely, these mechanisms have been either absent or worked in opposite directions in Argentina and Poland.

Процессы глобализации определили серьезные изменения прерогатив национальных государств. В ХХI в. государство уже не выступает в качестве единственного субъекта, монопольно интегрирующего интересы крупных социальных общностей и представляющего их на мировой арене. Всевозрастающую роль в мировом политическом процессе играют транснациональные и наднациональные участники. Однако, несмотря на неопределенность и неоднозначность путей развития современного мира, можно утверждать, что в обозримом будущем именно за государствами сохранится роль основных участников мировой политики, на которых лежит ответственность за глобальную безопасность и развитие. Все это закономерно актуализирует вопросы, связанные с поиском оптимальных моделей развития национального государства. В статье анализируются существующие в современной политической науке подходы к пониманию моделей, проблем и перспектив развития этого института. К таким относятся: концепции «размерности», основывающиеся на параметрах масштабности (размера территории) государств и их функций в международных системах, и «политического порядка». В последнем случае в работе проанализированы четыре модели: нация-государство, государство-нация, государство-консоциация и квазигосударство. Авторская позиция заключается в обосновании тесной зависимости успешности той или иной модели государства от его внутренней природы государственности. На основе разработанного подхода автор понимает государственность как «результат исторической, экономической, политической и внешнеполитической деятельности конкретного социума по созданию относительно жесткой политической рамки, обеспечивающей территориальное, институциональное и функциональное единство, то есть собственного государства-состояния, национальной политической системы». Таким образом, государственность выступает качественной характеристикой государства. ; The processes of globalization have determined significant changes in the prerogatives of nation states. In the twenty-first century the state no longer acts as a sole subject having a monopoly of integrating the interests of large social communities and representing them on the world stage. An ever increasing role in the global political process is played by transnational and supranational participants. However, despite the uncertainty and ambiguity of the ways of the development of the modern world, it can be argued that in the foreseeable future it is the states that will maintain the role of the main actors in world politics and bear the responsibility for global security and development. All this naturally makes urgent the issues related to the search for optimal models of nation state development. The article analyzes approaches to understanding patterns, problems and prospects of the development of this institution existing in modern political science. These include the concept of'dimensionality" based on the parameters of scale (the size of the territory) of the states and their functions in the international systems, as well as the""political order". In the latter case the paper analyzes four models: the nation-state, state-nation, consociation, quasi-state. The author's position consists in the substantiation of the close dependence of the success of a model of the state on its inner nature, i.e. statehood. On the basis of the elaborated approach the author understands statehood as "the result of historical, economic, political and foreign policy activity of a particular society in order to create a relatively rigid political framework that provides spatial, institutional and functional unity, that is, the condition of the society's own state, national political system." Thus statehood acts as a qualitative feature of the state.

This study contexualises the relationship between the armed forces and the civil authority in Ireland using and revising the theoretical framework advanced by Huntington. It tracks the evolution of the idea of a representive body for soldiers in the late 1980s, to the setting up of statutory associations under the Defence Amendment Act 1990. The study considers Irish soldiers political agitation and their use of peaceful democratic activities to achieve their aims. It highlights the fundamental policy arguments that were made against the idea of representation for the army and positions those arguments in the study of civil-military relations. Utilising unique access to secret Department of Defence files, it reveals in-depth ideological arguments advanced by the military authories in Ireland against independent representation. This thesis provides an academic study of the establishment of PDFORRA. It answers key questions regarding the change in the position of Irish government who were categorically opposed to the idea of representation in the army. It illustrates the involvement of other agencies such as the European Organisation of Military Associations (Euromil) reveals reciprocal support by the Irish associations to other emerging groups in Spain. Accessing as yet unpublished Department of Defence files, study analyses tension between the military authorities and the government. It highlights for the first time the role of enlisted personnel in the shaping of new state structures and successfully dismmisses Huntingtons theoretical contention that enlisted personnel are of no consequence in the study of civil-military relations. It fills a gap in our understanding, identified by Finer, as to how politicisation of soldiers takes place. This thesis brings a new dimension to the discipline of civil-military relations and creates new knowledge that will enhance our understanding of an area not covered previously.

A powerful case for why majority rule—not representation—is the defining feature of democratic politicsThe idea that democratic governance rests on active self-rule by citizens plays surprisingly little part in current theories of democracy, which instead stress the importance of representation by elected, appointed, or randomly selected bodies such as legislatures, courts, and juries. This would have astonished eighteenth-century theorists of democracy, who viewed universal suffrage and majoritarian voting as the sole criteria for democratic politics. Active and Passive Citizens defends the view of these earlier thinkers, asserting that individual agency is the very essence of democracy.In this provocative and lucidly argued book, Richard Tuck draws on the distinction made by the Abbé Sieyès, a leading political theorist of the French Revolution, between "active" citizens (the electorate) and "passive" ones (those who are represented by the institutions of the state). Tuck traces our current representative view of democracy to Sieyès and contrasts him with Rousseau, a theorist of active self-rule by the people. Tuck argues that modern theories of democracy have effectively turned us into passive citizens and calls for a renewal of a majoritarian democracy that realizes the full potential of active citizenship.Based on the prestigious Tanner Lectures delivered at Princeton University's Center for Human Values, Active and Passive Citizens is edited and introduced by Stephen Macedo and includes commentary by political theorists Simone Chambers, Joshua Cohen, John Ferejohn, and Melissa Schwartzberg

Wie ist stabile Ordnung möglich? Auf diese Kernfrage der Politikwissenschaft gibt der Band neue Antworten. Das Spektrum der Beiträge erstreckt sich von der Entfaltung der Theorie sozialer Wirklichkeitskonstruktion über diskursanalytische Detailstudien zu den politischen Ordnungen Ost-, Westdeutschlands und Europas, die zeigen, wie Rekurse auf Transzendenz der Hervorbringung und Stabilisierung politischer Ordnung dienen, bis hin zu fallbezogenen Verbindungen von Theorie und Empirie, die das Scheitern ("Afghanistan'"), das Gelingen ("Heimat") sowie die natürlichen Fundamente ("Soziobiologie") sozialer Ordnungskonstruktion in den Blick nehmen.

Die Arbeit will einen Beitrag leisten zur allgemeinen Theorie des kapitalistischen Staates auf der Basis der Marx'schen Kapitalanalyse. Ausgehend von den bisherigen Ergebnissen der staatstheoretischen Diskussion führt der Autor zunächst den Nachweis der begrifflichen Einheit von Form- und Inhalts-(Funktions-)Bestimmung des kapitalistischen Staates in der widersprüchlichen Struktur des kapitalistischen Reproduktionsprozesses und der daraus abgeleiteten Zentralität der Analyse von gesellschaftlichen Vermittlungsstrukturen und Prozessen im Verhältnis von "Staat und Kapital". Zum anderen wird versucht, die Konstitutionsbedingungen des Staates als Apparat und handelnde Instanz, ausgehend von den gewonnenen allgemeinen Bestimmungen des kapitalistischen Staates zu analysieren. Es wird ein theoretischer Bezugsrahmen entwickelt, der für die Analyse von Veränderungstendenzen der Staatstätigkeit und des Staatsapparates fruchtbar gemacht werden kann. Dabei werden Schlußfolgerungen für die konkrete historische Analyse gezogen und Grenzen der theoretischen Staatsanalyse benannt. (AF2)

Aims. The Euclid space telescope will measure the shapes and redshifts of galaxies to reconstruct the expansion history of the Universe and the growth of cosmic structures. The estimation of the expected performance of the experiment, in terms of predicted constraints on cosmological parameters, has so far relied on various individual methodologies and numerical implementations, which were developed for different observational probes and for the combination thereof. In this paper we present validated forecasts, which combine both theoretical and observational ingredients for different cosmological probes. This work is presented to provide the community with reliable numerical codes and methods for Euclid cosmological forecasts.Methods. We describe in detail the methods adopted for Fisher matrix forecasts, which were applied to galaxy clustering, weak lensing, and the combination thereof. We estimated the required accuracy for Euclid forecasts and outline a methodology for their development. We then compare and improve different numerical implementations, reaching uncertainties on the errors of cosmological parameters that are less than the required precision in all cases. Furthermore, we provide details on the validated implementations, some of which are made publicly available, in different programming languages, together with a reference training-set of input and output matrices for a set of specific models. These can be used by the reader to validate their own implementations if required.Results. We present new cosmological forecasts for Euclid. We find that results depend on the specific cosmological model and remaining freedom in each setting, for example flat or non-flat spatial cosmologies, or different cuts at non-linear scales. The numerical implementations are now reliable for these settings. We present the results for an optimistic and a pessimistic choice for these types of settings. We demonstrate that the impact of cross-correlations is particularly relevant for models beyond a cosmological constant and may allow us to increase the dark energy figure of merit by at least a factor of three. ; Academy of Finland European Commission Agenzia Spaziale Italiana (ASI) Belgian Federal Science Policy Office Canadian Euclid Consortium Centre National D'etudes Spatiales Deutsches Zentrum fur Luft-and Raumfahrt Danish Space Research Institute Fundacao para a Cienca e a Tecnologia Spanish Government National Aeronautics & Space Administration (NASA) 80NM0018D0004 Netherlandse Onderzoekschool Voor Astronomie Norvegian Space Center Romanian Space Agency State Secretariat for Education, Research and Innovation (SERI) at the Swiss Space O ffice (SSO) United Kingdom Space Agency Ministry of Education, Universities and Research (MIUR) Ministry of Education, Universities and Research (MIUR) L. 232/2016 European Research Council through the Darklight Advanced Research Grant 291521 Ministry of Education, Universities and Research (MIUR) Centre National D'etudes Spatiales Fonds de la Recherche Scientifique - FNRS Swiss National Science Foundation (SNSF) European Commission NASA ROSES grant 12-EUCLID12-0004 UK Science & Technology Facilities Council ST/N000668/1 ST/S000437/1 UK Space Agency ST/N00180X/1 D-ITP consortium, a program of the NWO - the OCW Comision Nacional de Investigacion Cientifica y Tecnologica (CONICYT) CONICYT FONDECYT 1200171 Spanish Ministry of Science, Innovation and Universities ESP2017-89838-C3-1-R H2020 programme of the European Commission 776247 German Research Foundation (DFG) Transregio 33 International Max Planck Research School for Astronomy and Astrophysics at the University of Bonn International Max Planck Research School for Astronomy and Astrophysics at the University of Cologne Bonn-Cologne Graduate School for Physics and Astronomy Royal Society of London European Research Council (ERC) 617656

We present a comprehensive relative sea-level (RSL) database for north, central, and south-central Chile (18.5 degrees S - 43.6 degrees S) using a consistent, systematic, and internationally comparable approach. Despite its latitudinal extent, this coastline has received little rigorous or systematic attention and details of its RSL history remain largely unexplored. To address this knowledge gap, we re-evaluate the geological context and age of previously published sea-level indicators, providing 78 index points and 84 marine or terrestrial limiting points spanning from 11 ka to the present day. Many data points were originally collected for research in other fields and have not previously been examined for the information they provide on sea-level change. Additionally, we describe new sea-level data from four sites located between the Gulf of Arauco and Valdivia. By compiling RSL histories for 11 different regions, we summarise current knowledge of Chilean RSL. These histories indicate mid Holocene sea levels above present in all regions, but at highly contrasting elevations from similar to 30 m to <5 m. We compare the spatiotemporal distribution of sea-level data points with a suite of glacial isostatic adjustment models and place first-order constraints on the influence of tectonic processes over 10(3)-10(4) year timescales. While seven regions indicate uplift rates <1 m ka(-1), the remaining regions may experience substantially higher rates. In addition to enabling discussion of the factors driving sea-level change, our compilation provides a resource to assist attempts to understand the distribution of archaeological, palaeoclimatic, and palaeoseismic evidence in the coastal zone and highlights directions for future sea-level research in Chile. (C) 2020 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. ; European Union/Durham University (COFUND under the DIFeREns 2 scheme); Millennium Nucleus CYCLO "The Seismic Cycle Along Subduction Zones" - Millennium Scientific Initiative (ICM) of the Chilean Government [NC160025]; FONDECYT (Chile)Comision Nacional de Investigacion Cientifica y Tecnologica (CONICYT)CONICYT FONDECYT [1190258]; US National Science Foundation (NSF)National Science Foundation (NSF) [EAR-1566253, EAR-1624795, EAR-1624533]; National Geographic Society (US)National Geographic Society [8577-08]; NSFNational Science Foundation (NSF) [EAR-1036057, EAR-1145170, EAR1624542]; Deutsche Forschungsgemeindschaft GrantGerman Research Foundation (DFG) [JA 2860/1-1]; International Geoscience Programme (IGCP) project [639] ; Published version ; EG undertook this work while in receipt of funding from the European Union/Durham University (COFUND under the DIFeREns 2 scheme). The authors acknowledge financial support from the Millennium Nucleus CYCLO "The Seismic Cycle Along Subduction Zones" funded by the Millennium Scientific Initiative (ICM) of the Chilean Government Grant Number NC160025. Additional support for MC and DM was provided by FONDECYT (Chile), project No 1190258. TD was supported by the US National Science Foundation (NSF) awards EAR-1566253, EAR-1624795, and EAR-1624533. LE was supported by National Geographic Society (US) Research Grant 8577-08 and NSF awards EAR-1036057, EAR-1145170, and EAR1624542. JJM was supported by the Deutsche Forschungsgemeindschaft Grant JA 2860/1-1. The authors acknowledge PALSEA (a PAGES/INQUA working group) and HOLSEA (an INQUA project) for useful discussions at the 2019 meeting, Dublin, Ireland. We thank Nicole Khan and Matteo Vacchi for their constructive reviews. This is a contribution to International Geoscience Programme (IGCP) project 639. Any use of trade, firm, or product names is for descriptive purposes only and does not imply endorsement by the U.S. Government. ; Public domain authored by a U.S. government employee