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What accounts for the glaring inattention to work on gender within mainstream political science? Part of the problem lies in the substance of scholarship itself. The concepts, central questions, and key variables that predominate in the mainstream literature on comparative democratization and in the literature on gender and democratization have contributed to the gulf between them. But a more fundamental explanation lies in the starting assumptions of scholars in the two camps. Mainstream scholars rarely question whether gender is relevant to politics, and gender scholars rarely question whether gender isn't relevant to politics. I illustrate some ways in which gender could be incorporated into mainstream work, and discuss how gender research could be made more broadly comparative.

While existing scholarship addresses the influence of religious affiliation on political attitudes and behaviors in the United States, a number of puzzling questions remain unanswered. In response, Matthew Miles demonstrates that a more complete conceptualization of religion as a social identity can help to explain many of those puzzles. As he explores the impact, both positive and negative, of religious identity on political attitudes, he also shows that the religion-politics relationship is not a one-way street

"Haiti: Deconstructing Military Entanglements in Politics" published on by Oxford University Press.

Organisational politics raises important theoretical and practical questions: what obligations of loyalty do I have to my organisation, or to friends and colleagues? How honest should I be in what I say and in the impressions I give? This path-breaking book confronts these and other such questions. In doing so, it examines dilemmas that many people face daily. The book suggests that there is no routine or automatic way to approach such issues, but that widely accepted ethical principles can often help us deal with them, if we bear in mind some basic points about people's behaviour in organisations. The book avoids undue technicality. Although informed by philosophical discussions of abstract ethics, its argument is based on detailed and systematic analysis of examples in organisational settings. The focus is on addressing ethical issues of practical importance for people who work in organisations. The book will especially interest scholars involved with research and teaching in business ethics, and other areas of applied ethics. Practitioners in management will also find that the book addresses many real concerns. Academics in a number of other areas ranging from general management to moral philosophy and social theory may also find points to consider

Multilateral intervention in civil conflicts have been one of the most significant and contentious aspects of recent international affairs and the place of intervention in international politics has been a key focus of analysis since the end of the Cold War. Contemporary debates on intervention have been dominated by ethical and legal questions. In contrast, attention to the politics of intervention has diminished. This paper focuses on the political dimensions of intervention, both historically and in contemporary international affairs. After a definition of the terms of the debate, the paper considers the balance of political and ethical/normative aspects of intervention from the origins of the international system to the post-Cold War period. Careful analysis of the recent and current practice of intervention suggests that political motivation remains a central aspect of intervention, and an important constraint on the establishment of new norms of rights-based intervention.

Undergraduates often struggle with theoretical perspectives in political science. Often students can get a better handle on theories if they are able to relate them to something tangible in their experience. Lichbach and Zuckerman lay out cultural, rational actor, and structural perspectives as a way to think more systematically about comparative politics but often students struggle with these meta-theories and the different ways they encourage us to think theoretically about comparative politics. In this paper, we discuss a set of exercises that enable students to get a better handle on cultural, rational actor, and structural perspectives on comparative politics by making them 'lab rats in their own experiments.' We group these exercises together and treat them as a Comparative Politics Game Show. In this paper, we describe the different exercises and how they were used and our view of the utility of this approach for teaching comparative politics theory. Adapted from the source document.

The Dictionary of Contemporary Politics of Central America and the Caribbean Phil Gunson, Greg Chamberlain and Andrew Thompson; The Dictionary of Contemporary Politics of South America Phil Gunson, Andrew Thompson and Greg Chamberlain; The Dictionary of Contemporary Politics of Southern Africa Gwyneth Williams and Brian Hackland

This article argues that the assertive Chinese and Japanese foreign and security stances of the Xi Jinping and Abe Shinzo administrations have resulted in a government-led renaissance of their respective identity politics, one qualified by top-down, adversarial nationalism. Aided by the nation-state's communication firepower, the two governments have instrumentally insisted upon antagonistic discourses - with domestic and foreign audiences in mind. This article does not deny the many bottom-up sources of Chinese and Japanese nationalism already discovered by constructivist scholars, but introduces rather a different perspective on identity construction in Japan and China. On the basis of an array of primary sources, this article argues that the logic of Sino-Japanese identity politics has been increasingly rooted in the neoclassical realism of Sino-Japanese confrontation. Within the broader structural picture of great power competition, the Chinese and Japanese elite have engaged in a more assertive foreign policy aimed at territorial defense. Central governments enjoy leverage in defining the perimeters of discourse-making, and the nationalistic Abe and Xi administrations have mobilized public opinion following the 2012 crisis surrounding the Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands standoff.

This article argues that the assertive Chinese and Japanese foreign and security stances of the Xi Jinping and Abe Shinzō administrations have resulted in a government-led renaissance of their respective identity politics, one qualified by top-down, adversarial nationalism. Aided by the nation-state's communication firepower, the two governments have instrumentally insisted upon antagonistic discourses - with domestic and foreign audiences in mind. This article does not deny the many bottom-up sources of Chinese and Japanese nationalism already discovered by constructivist scholars, but introduces rather a different perspective on identity construction in Japan and China. On the basis of an array of primary sources, this article argues that the logic of Sino-Japanese identity politics has been increasingly rooted in the neoclassical realism of Sino-Japanese confrontation. Within the broader structural picture of great power competition, the Chinese and Japanese elite have engaged in a more assertive foreign policy aimed at territorial defense. Central governments enjoy leverage in defining the perimeters of discourse-making, and the nationalistic Abe and Xi administrations have mobilized public opinion following the 2012 crisis surrounding the Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands standoff. (Asien/GIGA)