Suchergebnisse

The positive, unifying ideological resources of liberal and progressive Islamic interpretations deserve more than ever to be exploited in the contemporary socio-political context. Their conceptual tools, principles and theses could solve the conflictual cleavage, politically manipulated, between Islam and Western modernity, without repudiating the references to an Islamic paradigm. Therefore, liberal and progressive Islamic understandings could avoid the recent superficial oscillation between two ideological -artificially constructed- extremes, namely either confining the discussions to the secular, colonialist or postcolonialist perspectives, or promoting the defensive opportunist neotraditionalist Islamic approaches, specific to the nationalist movements of the last century so-called Islamic revival. Liberal Islam does not fully adopt all liberal theses and does not obediently imitate Western philosophy. Liberal Islamic understandings are defined by the opposition against teocracy and by supporting the democracy. Women, minorities and non-Muslims' rights in Muslim-majority countries, freedom of thought and trust in human progress, are other essential tenets that are fundamented on contemporary understandings of the major Islamic sources. Trying to correct some excesses that the liberal Muslims were accused of, but maintaining the reformist tendencies, progressive Muslims' approach is centered on a "multiple critiqueˮ ‒ a simultaneous critique of the diverse discourses and communities in which Muslims are situated. Not only the authoritarian constructions of literalist, puritanist Muslims, the violation of human rights, freedom of expression and of religion, the oppression of women in some Muslim countries are condemned and deconstructed, but also some political, economic, intellectual hegemonic Western aspects of modernity. In Romania these contemporary tendencies of interpreting Islam are not yet represented at a community level.

Abstract: This article discusses M. Natsirs and Abdurrahman Wahids thought about the relationship between Islam and state. Both of M. Natsir and Abdurrahman Wahid agree that the most realistic system to be applied in Indonesia is a democratic system. They also agree that there is no a rigid political system in Islam as it has existed today. In addition, Islam provides the basic principles of the nation and state namely deliberation, justice, equality, freedom, and togetherness. The fundamental difference between M. Natsirs and Gus Durs thought in viewing the relationship between Islam and state is about the two things: first, their respond to secularism, which tries to separate between religion and state; and second, their political thought in addressing democracy and the Pancasila ideology as the fundamental principles of Indonesia. Keywords: Islam, state, M. Natsir, Abdurrahman Wahid.

Using the POLITY IV and Freedom House indices, Rowley and Smith (Public Choice 139(3-4):273, 2009) found that countries with Muslim majorities enjoy less freedom and are less democratic than countries in which Muslims are a minority. Because the POLITY IV and Freedom House indices have been criticized on several grounds, I reinvestigate Rowley and Smith's finding using the new Democracy-Dictatorship data from Cheibub et al. (Public Choice 143(1-2):67, 2010). The empirical results confirm that countries with Muslim majorities are indeed less likely to be democratic. Adapted from the source document.

1. Introduction / Azyumardi Azra and Wayne Hudson -- 2. Political modernity and Indonesian Islam : a manifesto / Azyumardi Azra and Wayne Hudson -- 3. Islamic perspectives and the rules of law and constitutionalism / N.A. Fadhil Lubis -- 4. Constitutional values and an Islamic state / Adnan Buyung Nasution -- 5. The ambiguities of the rule of law / Brian Galligan -- 6. Western and Islamic conceptions of the rule of law / Spencer Zifcak -- 7. Democracy and Islam / Bahtiar Effendy -- 8. Islam and democratisation in Indonesia / Ahmad Syafii Maarif -- 9. Islam and the claims of democracy / Graham Maddox -- 10. Democratic leadership / Haig Patapan -- 11. Islamic perspectives on citizenship and statehood / N.A. Fadhil Lubis -- 12. Towards a conceptual framework for citizenship / Geoffrey Stokes -- 13. Liberal and communitarian approaches to citizenship / Janna Thompson -- 14. Problems with citizenship / Barry Hindess -- 15. Religious pluralism in Indonesia / Azyumardi Azra -- 16. Pluralism and liberalism / John Kane -- 17. Pluralism and universalism / George Crowder -- 18. Human rights and duties in Islam / N.A. Fadhil Lubis -- 19. Human rights and pluralism / Joseph Camilleri -- 20. Civil society and tolerance in Indonesia / Saiful Mujani -- 21. Civil society and the media in Indonesia / Philip Kitley -- 22. Indonesian Islam and democracy : ways ahead / Wayne Hudson and Azyumardi Azra.

The French government's 2004 decision to ban Islamic headscarves and other religious signs from public schools puzzled many observers, both because it seemed to infringe needlessly on religious freedom, and because it was hailed by many in France as an answer to a surprisingly wide range of social ills, from violence against females in poor suburbs to anti-Semitism. Why the French Don't Like Headscarves explains why headscarves on schoolgirls caused such a furor, and why the furor yielded this law. Making sense of the dramatic debate from his perspective as an American anthropologist

It is in the battle for Islam's soul that the United States and liberal Islam share a common strategic goal: the systematic dismantlement and delegitimization of the rogue Islamist discourse that portrays America as an anti-Islam crusader and Islam as an ideology of hate and violence.

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