Suchergebnisse

The study of political participation in Latin America has, until very recently, been too narrowly conceived by social scientists, focusing largely on elites and violence. The former is illustrated by studies of the military (Lieuwen, 1961, 1966; Johnson, 1964; Horowitz, 1967; Fagen and Cornelius, 1970; Schmitter, 1973), the Church (Dillon Soares, 1967; Solari, 1967; Petersen, 1970; Suchlicki, 1972), industrialists (Cardoso, 1967; Polit, 1968; Petras and Cook, 1973), and large landholders (Whetten, 1948; Carroll, 1966; Feder, 1971; Cockroft, 1972). Attention to violent forms of political participation is found in studies of revolution and the military coup d'état (Payne, 1965; Needler, 1968; Von Lazar and Kaufman, 1969; Moreno and Mitrani, 1971; Kohl and Litt, 1974). Those studies that have centered on nonviolent mass participation (Horowitz, 1970) have generally been limited to elections (for example, Martz, 1967; Petras, 1970), political parties (Fitzgibbon, 1957; Ciria, 1974), and labor unions (Payne, 1965; Angell, 1972; Erickson et al., 1974). As a result of the narrowness of these approaches, we have only a partial image of the faces of the Latin American citizen political activity; we have underestimated the scope of such activity and have failed to investigate its many forms.

Este artículo analiza la relación de las mujeres con la política en el marco de los efectos de la aplicación de la ley de cuotas en México, poniendo especial énfasis en la violencia política de género como una variable explicativa de la subrepresentación política de las mujeres. Además de información primaria derivada de entrevistas en profundidad y grupos de discusión, se analizan los datos obtenidos en la última elección federal (2012), y se lleva a cabo la revisión críticade estudios sobre mujeres y partidos políticos en México. Los resultados de la investigación indican que las dinámicas existentes en los partidos políticos, entendidos como organizaciones que reproducen patrones de género tradicionales, constituyen una variable central para explicar las particularidades del proceso mediante el cual las mujeres logran acceder a las candidaturas y dar cuenta de las experiencias sobre discriminación, acoso y violencia asociado a las campañas y al desempeño parlamentario. A su vez, se sostiene que la eficacia de la implementación de los marcos normativos tendientes a favorecer el incremento de la participación de las mujeres en los parlamentos está supeditada a la cultura política partidaria dominante en México.

Alienation is an important theoretical construct of pol'al sociol & a predictable element in most sociol'al & many psychol'al theories of pol'al behavior. Findings from a local survey of 1960 voting behavior in Berkeley, Calif pertinent to discussion of the ramified pol'al consequences of alienation are presented. The study design is explained. Findings indicate that SS is negatively related to alienation. Alienation has little effect on nat'l pol'al behavior, but the alienated voter tends to view his vote as a choice between the lesser of 2 evils & to view pol re moral rather than traditional issues. The effects of alienation are more pronounced on the level of local pol. Alienated voters are less likely to be favorably disposed to legislation or group action aimed at improving the condition of the Negro. Alienated R's are also less likely to accept or approve of the community power structure. It is concluded that there are sizeable pockets of discontent in US society & the stability of the pol'al system would appear to rest on the absence of instit'ized channels through which discontent can be effectively expressed more than on popular satisfaction with the system. M. Farber.

The article is an effort to analyze one particular policy-making process. The case deals with the policy of strengthening political participation in Finland. The data is based on two recent policy programs on developing democracy, the first between the years 1997-2002 & the second between 2003 & 2007. The data consists of policy documents, reports. & the parliamentary documents connected to these policies. In the first part of the article the author discusses alternative delineation of the policy-making, in other words, how policy processes usually look like. The second part is devoted to the question of policy-making & information. Policy-makers use different types of knowledge, political, economical, research & so forth when designing the policies. The third part is a study of the policy-making concerning political participation in Finland between the years 19982007. During this time period there have been three different policies & a number of measures. However, the concrete steps seem modest. The fourth part sums up the findings & connects the case study to the conceptual debate on policy-making. References. Adapted from the source document.

Persons with disabilities (PWDs) rarely attain political positions in Ghana. This relates more to the scenario of PWDs as candidates contesting for political position than the mere participation as voters. The core objective of this article is to examine the extent to which local politics remain directly accessible to PWDs in Ghana. In specific terms, this study seeks to analyse the context within which PWDs strive for political inclusion into the local government system, to identify and examine the factors impeding the participation of PWDs in local politics. Findings from the survey linked the inadequate political representation of PWDs to multiple factors, namely: (1) stigmatization and negative social perception regarding the capabilities of PWDs, (2) lack of resources, including financial and logistical support, required for effective campaign, (3) accessibility challenges relating to the built environment, communication and information access and (4) educational background of PWDs. Flowing from these outcomes, the prospect of affirmative political action as a 'gap-bridging' alternative has been examined. The research methodology was primarily qualitative.

Internet usage has shown drastic growth in the initial half of the year 2015 in India. The user base has increased over 354 million and with this India has become the top second country after China in terms of internet usage. Facebook is the prime social networking site which is used by 96% of urban users, followed by Google Plus (61%), Twitter (43%) and LinkedIn (24%). This extensive use of social media by the public had attracted the attention of the politicians to use it for election campaigns and has given researchers a reason to find out how politicians are engaging the public through this platform. Influence of Social media on the electorate has been proved from its successful use in the US presidential election in 2008 and by political parties in the 2014 Lok Sabha elections in India. This paper intends to explore the use of social media and its effectiveness in political elections through an extensive literature review. Social media has become an effective tool for political engagement and political participation as it is a low cost media as compared to traditional media. The low cost of this media has made it one of the main source to get information for advanced analysis and in-depth understanding of the electoral process. This paper will provide an insight to politicians, political analysts, journalists and electoral candidates regarding social media usage. The paper will also present a future research agenda to study how political parties can benefit from use of social media and change their strategies to engage workers and the voters.

One consequence of aging is diminished physical powers. In some cases, mental capabilities deteriorate, with concomitant rigidity of thought, impairment of intellect, emotional instability, and denial of disability (e.g., Post, 1980). Some have speculated that biological factors may have an effect on the political behavior of the elderly (see, e.g., G. Schubert, 1983). Campbell, Converse, Miller, and Stokes (1960:262) note that decline of voter turnout with age is "… undoubtedly due to infirmities that make trips to the polling place more difficult." Hudson and Binstock (1976:370) suggest that lowered participation "… may be interpreted in terms of physical declines…." Light (1981:2343) hypothesizes that "Health and mobility problems apparently prevent the elderly from topping the middle-aged in turnout." On the other hand, Wolfinger and Rosenstone (1980) find that with the introduction of controls for length of residence, income, education, and gender, the political effects of aging seem to disappear. However, no direct tests of the physical effects of aging upon the political orientations and behavior of the aged have appeared.

The risk society has profoundly changed our way of life. Among the social phenomena most affected by its effects is undoubtedly political participation and the degree of trust in institutions. This work aims, through the construction of two different indices, to answer the question "How does the risk society influence conventional participation and trust in institutions?". The Indagine Multiscopo sulle famiglie and the Benessere Equo Sostenibile surveys provide a complete set of indicators to assess specific aspects of Italian daily life and well-being. This work uses a series of data from these surveys to analyze political participation and trust in institutions in Italy in 2019 at regional level using two composite indices obtained through the application of the MPI method. The result of this paper shows no particular effects of the risk society on conventional forms of political participation. Instead, the effects of the risk society are fully visible on levels of trust in institutions.

This article examines the challenges that democratic deepening has encountered in countries undertaking simultaneous economic and political reforms. It does so by examining the experience of Poland following the 1989 transition. It explores the Polish public's perceptions of democracy and their engagement in political and civic life. It argues that as a consequence of economic changes, there has been a growing bifurcation of the Polish society into a small, well-educated, urban sector and the mostly poor, lacking marketable skills residents of small towns and rural areas. The first group not only views the post-1989 economic and political changes in a more positive light than the second group but is also more engaged and active politically. The article suggests that the establishment of a truly participatory political system in Poland continues to remain a work in progress.